I trust that amongst the various significant strategies for the emancipation of older persons, is the praxeolgical engagement of gerontological concerns. Praxis denotes to the simultaneous engagement of 'reflection' and 'practice' directed at oppressive structures to be transformed. I am positive that by embedding old age in praxis, and thus going beyond mere 'verbalism' or sheer 'activism', gerontologists can be successful in improving the quality of later life and liberate older persons from their subordinate social position. In ageing, one major praxeological commitment consists of an in-depth reflection on various oppressive ageist structures, together with political and popular appropriate action to transform these aforementioned configurations. Throughout much of this century old age was considered as a social problem by a large number of academics as well as societal members. However, an analytical examination of later life clearly indicates that the weak position of older people in society is ultimately the result of hegemonical ideological manoeuvres that absent the elderly from power relationships and exclude them from accessing various material and social resources. This exclusion on the basis of age is referred to by the term 'Ageism'. Ageism refers to a systematic stereotyping and discrimination against people because they are considered 'old'. In contemporary societies ageism is considered to be a powerful discriminatory force on par with racism and sexism, and manifests itself as complex and subtle phenomena in historical, cultural, social, psychological, and ideological dimensions. Studies in the social sciences have indicated that ageism resulted especially from dominant socialisation processes, industrialisation, and retirement policies. The rest of this presentation is dedicated to gerontophobic (i.e. fear of growing old or fear or hatred of the aged) areas in which I believe that gerontological praxis is instantaneously warranted.

Images of the elderly

Foremost of all ageism involves negative stereotypical assumptions about older persons' physical or mental capacities, often accompanied with derogatory language. Who has not come across societal images which represent old age or older persons in a negative manner? We are consistently bombarded with stereotypical visual and audible information that highlights older personsí inability to, inevitable psychological and physical decline, as well as predestined dependence and need of institutionalisation. We also learn how older persons are a drain/burden on society since they do not contribute usefully and productively to society, uninterested in and incapable for sexual acts, and finally, that older people are a homogenous group. Ageist images have been detected in western art and literature, humour, childrenís books and fairy-tales, literature/poetry, newspaper reports, advertisement, birthday cards, and music. Who has not come across humorous (sic) assertions that "Old isÖ.when candlelit tables are no longer romantic because you canít read the menu" or "Old isÖ.when you canít remember the last time you had sex with your husband and your husband canít remember either" or Old isÖ.when you can't remember the original colour of you own hair". Greeting-card counters are filled with birthday cards that joke about adding another year. Despite their humour, they draw attention to the fear of ageing that birthdays bring. Some birthday cards express the sentiment that to be older is to be better, but then add a note that says, in effect, that no one would be better at the price of ageing. The mass media also incorporates an immense ageist bias. What about advertisements promoting anti-ageing creams under the captions "Cosmetic chemists develop instant way to look youngerÖ..You will again have the confidence to look in the mirrorÖÖSo now you can face every day of the rest of your life looking years younger".  In television series, radio programmes, and cinema films older persons are virtually non-existent, and are mostly found supporting roles rather than as the hero or heroine. Moreover, newspapers, tabloids and women's magazines are largely interested in older persons only as victims of crime and misfortune. Undoubtedly, such inaccurate images play a key role in the social construction of social life and is very forceful in representing a form of symbolic stigmatisation and oppression against old age and the experience of growing old. Malta is no exception and stereotyped concepts of the elderly are found in abundance in popular idioms ? as a homogenous view of older persons who are unteachable, disabled, powerless and with one foot already in the grave. It is also unfortunate to note that the cultural dominant image of older people is of persons who are heavily dependent on "state support systems". As everyone is aware these are highly inaccurate pictures of reality.

Work and retirement

Another area in which age discrimination is very potent consists of the workplace. Here, ageism exists mainly in the dismissal of older employees without cause, involuntary retirement on an individual basis and not agreed on as a condition of employment, maximum age limitations for initial employment within an organisation with little or no supporting justification for such a requirement, limitations placed on promotion or training based on age, and consideration of only younger employees for certain positions without valid occupational reasons for doing so. It is also oppressive that older persons are perceived as less efficient, less creative, less promotable, more resistance to change, slower, disinterested in training and retraining, incapable of adapting to change, undependable, costly, unable to meet the physical and mental demands of work, more rigid, and prone to illness and accidents, as well as being more passive, reserved, obsolete, and inflexible than younger workers. However, research which indicates otherwise is abundant.  For those elders who are successful in keeping their occupation they soon encounter a stronger type of age discrimination from which it is very difficult, if not impossible, to evade : retirement. In the experts' group meeting on Meeting The Challenges of Ageing Populations in the Developing World, Dr. Joseph Troisi's (1996, p. 63) thoughts on retirement are highly relevant here. He argued that "mandatory retirementÖÖdoes not only demoralise the older person but may entail their being sidelined by their own society, largely engendering their dependency and placing them in a precarious environment". In full agreeement, I refute the widespread assumption that the cessation of older people from participation in the workforce is to be attributed to changes in the individual characteristics of older persons, and consequently posit retirement as an oppressive political response of wealthy industrialised countries to population ageing and as the driving force behind the wider development of ageism in modern societies. I wholeheartedly agree with Chris Phillipson, a frequent collaborator with the University of Malta's Institute of Gerontology, who in his seminal publication Capitalism and the Construction of Old Age argued that retirement is only a solution to escalating unemployment, as a result of which the old are sacrificed in the corporationsí drive for order and efficiency.

Economics of the Aged

Recently, economic analysts have maintained that older persons are gaining from social security benefits as much they earned in their middle-ages, and that therefore the aged are relatively well off. This is however nothing less than another myth. The European Union Observatory Barometer on Ageing found that poverty and low incomes persist among a significant minority of older people in most European countries. Therefore, the concentration of poverty and dependency in old age has persisted despite recognition for over a century and more than thirty years of welfare state provision - most probably due to politicians' obsession to utilise pension polices to regulate the economy rather than meeting the needs of older persons. More unjustly, reports of the projected economic burden of an ageing population has produced a moral panic where older persons are blamed for the rising costs of health care and income security programmes, as well as for the poverty of children, national deficits, as well as increases in real estate prices. This was largely due to a highly individualised society whose primary concern is with fiscal implications of an increasing population of people dependent upon state funding pensions for their income and increasing health necessities, giving way for the real possibility for a full-scale emergence of intergenerational conflict. However, as I have argued in a recent seminar, such an apocalyptic demography is not entirely correct for a number of reasons : (i) if population ageing follows from reduced fertility the relative number of youths falls even as there are more older persons in society, (ii) dependent-ratio concepts are not perfect proxies, (iii) there is the possibility that significant compositional changes may occur in the future within the elderly, youth, and working age populations, (iv) it has been argued that old age as a period of dependency is a manufactured entity, created by industrialisation and capitalism, (v) although projected fluctuations in the dependency ratio are considered important for projecting future social policies, these do not always yield realistic results, and that (iv) more economists and historians are increasing viewing old age as having the potential for economic worth, rather than economic decline. In Malta, the primary sources of income for older persons is their state pension allowance, which covers all retirees. Many may believe that todayís Maltese older persons are relatively well off. This is to an extent a justifiable allegation considering that in the past 20 years there has been an augmentation of free services, and an increase of the mean weekly income for all older persons increased from 1980 to 1990. However, one cannot neglect other emerging data that cast some shadows as whether older persons are economically comfortable. Comparing two surveys performed in 1980 and 1990 one finds that that the percentage of older persons satisfied with their income slumped to 20%! At the same time the percentage of older persons reporting that their income was inadequate to satisfy their needs bulged to 79%, with an additional 14% indicating that they have to receive financial help from their family to make ends meet! It is also oppressive that at the moment the cost of living increase in Malta is only partially paid to older persons and not paid at all to those receiving British pensions.

Social Class and Gender

Whilst some ageist policies affect the lives of all older persons irrespective of class, social status, race, and gender, certain policies affect subaltern segments or cohorts of older persons much more negatively manner. Subaltern segments of older persons refer to elders in minority ethnic groups, older women, rural or inner-city elderly, physically or mentally impaired elderly, homosexual older persons, older persons who are vulnerable to abuse and neglect, and seniors in poverty. Discussion on the ageing populations have been slow to incorporate social class analysis despite suggestions by various scholars that a complete understanding of this phase of the life scale cannot proceed without it. Socio-economic studies have clearly highlighted the presence of both ëaffluentí and ëmarginalí older persons. As may be expected, the "marginal" elderly which are affected most negatively by ageism. Marginal older persons demonstrate higher mortality levels, suffer more acute illnesses and more likely to be classified as disabled, and tend to live in low standard housing. A major class discriminatory act in Malta regards older personsí pensions with members of parliament and parliamentariansí widows being eligible to higher pension ceilings. While member of parliament are eligible for a full pension on the maximum income of Lm10,000, the average citizen can only claim a pension to the maximum income of around Lm6,000! Moreover, widows hailing from different class positions are entitled to unequal pension dividends. According to the 'Members of Parliament Pensions Act', the widow of a member of parliament receives five-sixths of her husband earnings. However, under the Social Security Act, other widows are entitled to inherit only five-ninths of their husbands income!

Women are another segment of older persons who are more negatively affected by old age. This is because ageism and sexism combine together to the extent that a ëdouble jeopardyí results in significant material and social effects between older men and women. This is basically due to the addition of the disadvantages of another ascribed status, in this case femininity. This ëdouble standard of ageingí manifests itself in various aspects. Older women are more commonly ridiculed and referred to by derogatory colloquialisms in jokes, fictional literature, poems, media industry, and many film and theatrical productions. Older women are less likely to earn a full pension - due to breaks in their employment patterns during maternity and family care, or to be covered by private pensions when compared to older men. It is thus not surprising that studies indicate a higher incidence of poverty amongst older women. Moreover research has indicated that widowed older persons are economically worse than divorcees or never-married older persons. In respect to older males, older women suffer more failing health and disabilities, had a more limited school education, and more likely to be victims of crime. Moreover, since most older women spend their final stage of life as widows or as single persons, they find it very difficult to find available care-givers, forcing many to become dependent and live in institutions.

Combining Critical Reflection and Direct Action : The Gray Panthers

It is frequently argued that the only effective political action in favour of older persons is organised collective campaigning. Despite the fact that commentators often point to the potential voting power of the elderly, there is no evidence at this time that older persons are likely to exercise this power and to vote as a block. As a result politicians by and large have not responded to the threat. One organisation which can be taken as a model for collective action by older persons in the future is the Gray Panther movement. This movement was launched in 1970 by Maggie Kuhn (1902-1995) and five other involuntary retirees to protest against the Vietnam War. Eventually, the Gray Panthers evolved to a movement which mitigated in favour of older personsí grievances. The Gray Panthers currently investigate and analyse various aspects of old age, as well as providing recommendations in favour of equitable national health plans, affordable housing, flexible work and retirement schedules, and increased intergenerational networking. The Gray Panthers, together with other 'gray lobby' groups such as the American Association of Retired Persons and National Council of Senior Citizens, have been effective in staving off large cuts in elder health care policies, reductions in Social Security, and higher taxes in Social Security benefits, proposed by the Clinton administration

In conclusion it has become clear that the history of ageism is essentially a political question. We have the obligation to engage in a critical reflection as how older persons are being oppressed and discriminated against on the basis of their old age. However, reiterating my firm belief in praxis, we must not stop here and should combine reflection with appropriate direct action which aids a transformation of society. This is in my opinion the biggest challenge for gerontological studies in the new millennium: Highlighting the fact that albeit current society professes to be in favour of older persons and purports to be so, is in fact patronising older people, making decisions for them, telling funny stories about them, and feeling good that it is looking after them. This process must not be based on individual journey but must be co-ordinated within an intergenerational perspective that seeks to transform the current political, social and economic contexts towards the emancipation of all older persons in general and especially of subaltern members. I feel however that a final note is warranted here. I am 27 years old, white, male, able-bodied, heterosexual, and educated. Although in my view these qualities do not disqualify me from addressing issues of old age, at the same time I am conscious that I am not in the best position to offer a full discussion on age discriminations and apologise for any wrong misunderstanding of old age. Persons who wish to submit feedback that either contradict or compliment the above views are immensely welcome. I shall be extraordinarily pleased at receiving any critical feedback.  Perhaps I should have waited. But my eagerness in commencing a debate on age discriminatory practices was too powerful to resist!

Marvin Formosa is member in The Maltese Association of Gerontology and Geriatrics, and Assistant Lecturer in Gerontology and Geriatrics within the University of Malta.