1. INTRODUCTION
As you are all aware, in Malta when one retires at 61 or 60 he or she can expect to live, on average, for another 16 to 18 years (U.S. Bureau of Census, 1997). A hundred years ago the retiree would, on average, have already been dead. The late 20th century has brought the ultimate gift: the luxury of ageing. Ageing is a relatively new issue in the process of developing planning in Malta. However, since the 1985 Census Report highlighted that the socio-economic consequences of the ageing population were not being sufficiently recognised and addressed to in Maltese society, the government has followed an increasing number of initiatives in favour of older persons (Camilleri, 1993).
However, as more time passes by, the phenomenon of ageing is more and more envisaged as being too expensive and extravagant to maintain. Governments, non-profit organisations, and lay persons are increasingly emphasising on the social cost that projected ageing populations would necessitate. They maintain that if policies are to remain as they currently are, the socio-economic situation of advanced industrial societies in 30 or 40 years will not be able to sustain the needs of the ageing baby boomers.
As a result, when the words 'elderly', 'older persons' or 'old age' are pronounced, one of the first thoughts that prompts to our minds is that of dependency. This image of older people, of being dependent of working able-bodied adults has a very wide currency both in academic and popular domains. More unfortunate is the fact that some critics of this dependent rationale go to the other extreme of the continuum and advocate for the promotion of independence rather than the social interdependence between generations
It is my goal in this short paper to present a few points for discussion regarding this dichotomy between dependence and independence. I will argue that todayís modern societies are or should be based on interdependent social policies. I believe, and I hope that you all agree, that older people do not engage in one-sided relationship with the rest of the community. I contend that far from being dependent, relationships between older persons themselves, as well with other younger persons tend to be of a reciprocal character.
2. DEPENDENCY
The growth of the elderly population has invariably led gerontologists to look to the demographic relationship between this segment and the rest of the population. To the degree that the old are generally supported by the society to which they have contributed, this relationship have suggested the investigation of the extent of this Dependency. Dependency in the human sciences vocabulary implies that there exists a number of people who need help and assistance, and hence dependent on other human beings. Traditional definitions of dependency implied 'a state in which actions by others are a necessary condition for an actor to achieve his or her own goal' (Anderson, 1971). A more contemporary definition of the notion of dependency, and which will be adopted in this exposition, is 'a loss of self-determination that results from requiring the help of others but being unable to negotiate the terms of the help received' (Bould, et al., 1989)
The notion of Dependency has been given technical clarifications by demographers, social planners and economists in what is known as the 'Dependency Ratio'. This analysis of population structures is preoccupied with the relative sizes of the economically active, that is in paid employment segment of the population and those who are not, meaning largely the children and retired. The United Nations summarises the position well :
As the proportion of the population of working age increases, total dependency ratios (that is the number of young and aged 65 and over, divided by the population of working age) concurrently become lower. The total dependent ratio is often used as an indicator of economic potential, the principal argument being that a low dependency ration implies the need to divert fewer resources to the dependent population.
The dependency ratio is therefore a numerical measure of the economic
burden imposed on the working population since these must ultimately support
those people who are not part of the labour force. Arithmetically speaking,
the ratio represents the number or proportion of individuals in the supportive
or working population. In simple demographic terms, the old-age dependency
ration is, 65+ all over those aged between 18 and 64. Although, this does
not mean that every person aged 65 and over is dependent or that every
person in the 18 to 64 is working, theses basic census categories are used
to depict the relationship between these two segments. So let's first see
what demographic projections hold for Malta's population :
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Projections
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Source : * Camilleri, 1993
** COS, 1996
The young segment (0-14) which in 1985 counted for 24.1% is currently at 20.8, is projected to decline to 18.0% in 2040 and remain like that at least until 2090. The working group which constitutes 67.2% at present, is expected to decrease to 66.3% in 2020 but then remain stable till at least 2090. As expected the 65+ age group increased from 9.9% in 1980 to 12% today and is projected to continue increasing until it reaches the 20% mark in 2060.
This minor demographic statistic shows that while in 1985 there were
It is assumed by many social scientists and policy makers alike that this shift in the balance of population is in itself unfavourable and likely to damage the economy. Moreover, governments are also alarmed by the fact that various studies report that the per capita costs of older persons to the state is as much as three times more - and sometimes even higher - that those incurred by children, youths and adults.
Proponents of this apocalyptic demography generally believe that an increasing ageing population inevitably means increasing demands on the resources of society - especially health care resources, in the face of competing interest and diminished resources. Moreover, many tend to blame older people for the rising costs of health care and income security programmes, as well as for the poverty of children, national deficits, as well as increases in real estate prices (Roberston, 1997)
However, it is clear that there are several problems concerning this economic interpretation of the old-age dependency ratio, the assumptions about relative costs and their damaging economic effects following them. It is argued that the dependency ratio should not be studied in a vacuum but in light of other possible structural and societal changes.
First, if population ageing follows from reduced fertility, the relative number of youths falls even as there are more older persons in society. As a result, the total dependency ratio, that is including both older persons and youth, may incline only slightly. In fact, this pointed by Camilleri (1993 : 65) in his Demographic and socio-economic Profile of Ageing in Malta where he states that in the coming years 'the dependency ratio will fluctuate only marginally, since the proportional representations of the 'young' and the 'old' components of the population will retain more or less their ratios to the total population' since the 'small reduction in the young segment will, in fact, be taken up by the 'old' portion, while the working age will be rising slightly'.
A second problem with the dependent-ratio concept is that age-based dependency ratio are not perfect proxies for the ratio of inactive to active persons, although recently some analysts have attempted to incorporate labour force participation rates in to the dependency ratio framework.
Thirdly, there is the possibility that significant compositional changes may occur within the elderly, youth, and working age populations. These changes will surely have great economic effects that may be important as effects of changes in the dependency ratio itself.
Fourthly, social scientists have argued that old age as a period of dependency is a manufactured entity, created by industrialisation and capitalism. Estes (1983 : 19) has argued that dependence of the elderly is at the same time 'shaped by public policies, economic conditions, and the political forces which affect them'. Pete Townsend (1986 : 53) has written about the way that dependency in old age is structured by social and economic factors: 'Retirement, Poverty, institutionalisation and restriction of domestic and community roles are the experiences which help maintain the structural dependency of the elderly' he wrote. The argument centres on the idea of a mandatory or enforced 'retirement' Since the elderly no longer contribute to the economy and are obliged to rely on the livelihood on state pensions and welfare, the 'marginalisation' of older persons is a product of the social structure rather than as an inherent structure of ageing. These social scientists essentially state that modern society has created the framework of institutions and rules within which the general problems of older persons emerge. In a modern society, decisions are taken in the management of the economy and in the maintenance and development of social institutions which govern the position that older persons occupy in life.
Fifth, although fluctuations in the dependency ratio are considered important for projecting future social policies, these do not always yield realistic results. For example, in attempting to assess the additional burden of a growing aged population, the OECD assumes that spending in pensions as proportion of the Gross Domestic product in creases in line with countries' old age dependency ratio, implying that average pensions rise with wages. In fact, in countries such as Britain, Germany and Italy the opposite is happening (The Economist, 1991).
In addition, more economists and historians are increasing viewing old age as having the potential for economic worth, rather than economic decline. Researchers have highlighted the fact by drawing attention the past stability of the population in the twentieth century and the fact that this scheduled to continue so in the next. As Falkingham (1987 : 19) has pointed out, predicted age-related increases in the dependency ratio would seem to have been engendered. Within this framework, researcher have envisaged a fall in per capita health and social services costs, as the increased healthiness of young cohorts is transmitted into old age.
Regrettably, although all the above arguments need to be critically investigated, they are largely going unheeded with the dominant debate on ageing policy being grounded in an assumption of Intergenerational Inequity thesis that envelops policy primarily in terms of competition and conflict between young and old. This approach considers issues in terms of competition and conflict between generations and view the programmes for older persons as unfair and as a source of Intergenerational conflict, a rationale which goes something like this:
Due to previous circumstances of the elderly and the broad-based perceptions
of the elderly as both 'needy' and worthy there has been a flow of resources
such as income, health, and social services, towards the elderly, which
has successfully improved their economic status and access to health care.
In fact the elderly are (or will shortly be) financially better off than
the non-aged population. In light of this improved status, of large federal
benefits, of the cost to younger populations of continuing present policies,
and of anticipated growth of the elderly population, the flow of resources
of the elderly seems "intergenerationally inequitable" and a source of
intergenerational conflict
Kingson et al., 1986 : 2
However I deem this Intergenerational Inequity rationale as based on a narrow understanding off the equity between generations and views programmes for the elderly as unfair and a source of intergenerational conflict. Moreover, the whole analytic approach is flawed in a number of ways.
First, this intergenerational inequity rationale takes into account only the 'aged dependency ratio', rather than the overall dependency ratio. Currently there are 22.6 dependent older persons for every 100 persons of so-called working ages. As this figure is projected to rise substantially many conclude that the costs for the elderly will be unsustainable unless drastic changes are made now. This sounds ominous indeed. However, this only takes in consideration the 'aged dependency ratio'. In contrast the 'overall' dependency ration which measures the total number of a persons aged 18 and less and those aged over 60 provides a different picture. I would also add that perhaps both the aged dependency ratio and the overall dependency ration are inherently flawed since they fail to take into account such factors such as the increasing labour force participation of women, the potential of older persons to work longer at work, or the effect of economic growth.
Second, Moreover this issue has denoted the meaning of dependence as meaning only economic dependency. Official dependency rates are calculated on this bases. What about physical, emotional and social dependencies. This in turn has led to a number of thirds stress on structured dependency (Walker, 1982, 1983; Townsend, 1989). Psychologists generally distinguish three types of dependencies : those that arise as a result of crisis situations such as loss of spouse, those that cone as a result of life transitions such as retirement and age-related health complications, and others that arise as a result of a pathological situation. In this respect society sees older persons as being dependent because they have a large chance of being afflicted by all three types of dependencies. At the same time other age segments of the populations are relieved from this label.
Thirdly, 'intergenerational equity' assumes that all the elderly are well off. Having discovered that not all older persons are poor, some policy makers have gone to the other extreme and declared that public benefits should be reduced. Failure to recognise the heterogeneity among old persons - even those aged 85 and older - leads to distortions in how social problems are defined, to the misunderstandings about the implications of policy options, and ultimately to poor policy.
Fourth, intergenerational equity sees conflict as a rule. However, I would say that the conflict between generations is the exception and not the norm. One should not conclude that conflict between generations is a rule and that the elderly area cohesive political group intent on forcing their will against the interests of the young. Despite of assertion on grey power by the press and senior organisations, my own fieldwork amongst the age make me conclude that voting behaviour and group alliance is still more influenced by lifelong party affiliation, social class, and political beliefs rather than age.
A fourth flaw is the fact that this rationale uses limited measures to draw broad conclusions. Since each generation received transfers from those that precede it and also gives transfers to those that follows one should evaluate the economic and social investment made by the previous generations. This prompts other questions such as Should part of what is spent older persons be counted as a return on their investment and transfers in today's younger and adult generations. Yet, I would say that comprehensive measurement of intergenerational transfers is impossible.
A final flaw is that in assuming that 'social and financial resources' can only be distributed or cut from one of two places - either the young or old, this rationale fails to recognise the common stake that all citizens are submitting in social policies. By doing so government takes for granted, wrongly, that state resources cannot be increased by economic growth or more tax values or by reducing irrational spending.
2. INDEPENDENCE
At the same time, the notion of dependency also implies that other human beings can function well on their own and therefore may lead fully independent lives. Here is implied the dichotomy of dependence versus independence with older people are often caught between a social ethic of independence on the one hand, and a service ethic that constructs them as dependent on the other (Robertson, 1997).
But is this dichotomy true? Does the strict dichotomy between dependence
and independence really exist? Dependency is unfortunately always placed
in contradiction to independence as if they exclude each other. In this
sense one is either dependent or independent. Can we accept this ideology
of independence that states that unless older persons are able to do everything
by themselves, they cannot take their place in society. Can we accept that
before older persons are able to cook, wish and dress themselves, make
the bed and so forth they are not proper people. I would say that this
ideology of independence is incorrect and that it has been understood wrongly.
Independence must mean that older persons are able to achieve their goals
and in control of their lives, rather than performing every task themselves.
I would argue that independence is not linked to the physical or intellectual
capacity to care for one self without assistance. Consider the following
statements by older women which I consider as very important in understanding
our dilemma :
Older People like to be independent. partly, its that older people
don't want to think that they are dependent on anybody else and partly
because they are and do not want to admit. It's a bit of illusion.
Independence is created by having assistance when and how requires it and at the same time being able to a assist when and how the older person desires. Clearly, this shows that when one is talking about the notion of dependence, one is dealing with a highly symbolic phenomenon. Although the realisation of this issue may lead an older person to place a greater value on being independent, the basic implication here is that some degree of dependence is inevitable in old age. The point is not to create it. These and another similar statements lead me to believe that independence means that older persons are to have a choice regarding given and receive assistance vis-a-vis the remainder of the population. I therefore feel very uneasy about the use of the terms 'dependency, independence and independent' in everyday discussions concerning older people. Because after all, I wonder Who is truly independent, in any society, let alone in a complex, high-energy technological socially such as our own. Surely we can see that the only means for survival for a just and social society is through interdependency between generations.
3. INTERDEPENDENCY
Therefore, in spite of the strength of the ideological cultural ideal of independence, the reality for many of the elderly appears to be closer to interdependence. Many elders would could choose an independent life-style prefer interdependence (Bould et al., 1989). Although they live alone and do not need help, many of today's elderly are embedded in family support networks of give-and-take. Often this interdependent lifestyle involves friends and neighbours as well as families. On the other hand those who live alone and need help an interdependent lifestyle is more advantageous than a dependent one. by building credit by helping other older persons in need are more ready to ask for help and feelings if useless and burdens and helplessness can be creatively avoided. I would say that most of the time this dichotomy between dependence and independence results from a depolitisation of need, in part the legacy of a radical individualism combined with post-modern therapeutic ethic.
There is no-one who in a prepared sense is independent. Apart from hermits and recluses who choose to live out of society, there is interdependence for those who exist in human societies. In complex societies the extent of interdependence is greatly increased. We are all totally dependent on strangers and family members. The second approach recognises the importance of equity between generations among individuals and between generations. This approach incorporates a life course perspective, recognises the heterogeneity of age groups, evaluates the costs and benefits from social policies.
Today, all individuals including older persons are valuing more interdependence and collectively rather than independence and self-sufficiency, filial piety, and respect for authority (Goro, and McRae, 1994). People who have lived to become old and sick have by definition lived through all the earlier stages of life in which they have been contributors to the social good - in a variety of roles such as workers, parents and support their own elderly relatives. Therefore it is no dependent relationship when we ask that younger and more able-bodies generations to provide for their old-age contemporaries. To receive income assistance in old age is a right and not a dependent relationship. In light of such findings it is envisaged that a moral economy of interdependence, based on the notion of reciprocity, that transcends the dependency/independence dichotomy be implemented in all societies. It not only takes the discourse of need out of the marketplace where needs are commodified, but also take sit out of the courts where needs are framed as rights (Robertson, 1997). Therefore in conceptualising policy issues of the old, there is an urgent need to recast the ideal situation as one of interdependence and to orient policies toward promoting practical interdependence between members of society. This the trap of thefts dichotomy of independence versus dependence could this be avoided and programmes that enhance reciprocity could be developed.
In practice, interdependence can be simply a matter of a choice of life-style involving reciprocal helping and a convenient division of labour. Although many groups of older persons can do quite well on their own, they choose to help each other. This is an optional life-style that serves as an insurance policy in times of acute need. The interdependent lifestyle has the advantage of easing concerns about possible future needs - the structure of help is already in place. Elders who have build good reciprocal relationships of going and receiving help are much better off than their counterparts.
In order to sustain interdependence where an elder requires help continuously, it is necessary that public policy not only recognises and supports interdependence, but also provides community support. If older persons must rely on social support network so to get around, they are at risk of falling too much in debt to be able to reciprocate. In this manner, they may overburden their helpers and lode self-determination so that they can become dependent. Therefore opportunities for giving must be created by the government and community.
It is also important to note that by innovating an interdependent society is not however to say that any particular pattern or level of support is equally right. As the numbers of elders in need of help grow, it will be necessary to reassess what is equitable and deliverable. An interdependent society will need to address the questions not how much payment should be given but who should receive them? In other words, how are resources to be targeted to those most in need? Who are the least advantaged among the elderly? Although answers to this question in the past generally pointed to all of older persons, today gerontologists are rejecting this response and point to some segments of older persons such as poor, physically or mentally frail, rural or inner-city elderly, older women, elderly in minority ethnic groups. In other words, in an interdependent society, need instead of age alone is to become the basis of distributing benefits or services. Surely social class on its own is not a sufficient measurable account. But then one would ask, if need instead of age alone is to be the basis for distributing services, how will we assess need as a practical manner? The differences in economic well-being among subgroups of the elderly are very important to keep in mind. There are sharp differences in financial and healthy well-being between male and female, rich and poor, urban and rural. How then is an interdependent society to take notice of these differences. Definitely, one popular method is to use a means test - that is, a measure of eligibility based on whether a person's income or social assets fall below a certain amount. However, a means test must be accompanied by empowerment strategies so as older people who ar4e forced by necessity to make us of relief programmes do not feel dishonoured, embarrassed or degraded (Moody, 1997). This would also involve highlighting localities and villages such as Gozo and Valletta where the ageing population is more acute (C.O.S., 1995)
One way to begin to plan for maximising interdependence and minimising dependence in this vulnerable age group is to asses the older persons' resources. What are their individual resources upon which it is possible to build reciprocity and interdependence. It is a fact that dependence in some areas such as health and economy may not result in dependency as long as other resources, such as good health, are available.
I would suggest that a fair and more effective policy would be based on a tacit understanding of the interdependent of generations. This approach is right because it recognises the heterogeneity in old age groups, evaluates costs and benefits of social polices over time rather than in just a minute moment in time and stresses the importance of understanding who - indirectly as well as directly - pays for and benefits from social policies existing and proposed. Also important is that the approach takes a life course perspective to help explain the seeming paradox of the autonomy and interdependence of individuals and age gross as the move through life. Consequently it emphases the importance of thinking broadly how policies directed at one age group may effect al others - at any given point i time as well as over time. In an interdependent and ageing society, all generations have a common stake in family efforts and public policies, or intergenerational transfers that respond to the needs of all ages.
The interdependence of generations framework primarily bases its analyses on a longitudinal approach to evaluating costs and benefits of public policies. This approach examines the flow of tax payments and benefits over time. Thus it is quite different from the cross sectional approach emphasised by the integenerational inequity rationale that examines the flow of tax payments and public [payments at only one moment in time. This approach often leads to very differtn conclusions about who pays for and who benefits from such policies as pubic educaation, public health, and investmenst made in research. Take public education for example. While for example from a cross-sectional perspective it would appear that education is transfer from working persons and other taxpayers to children, from a longitudinal perspective, it is clear that although the young clearly receive a transfer in the form of education, as they age they will also contribute to the education of those who follow as well as to the economic growth and tax revenue, which will benefit the current workers as they age.
As an outstanding example both of a programme in which all generations have a common stake and of the importance of taking an interdependent approach in social policy is social security. Social Security programmes as they are organised today may seem unfair with the young mostly paying and the elderly mostly receiving. But identifying the direct and indirect benefits of Social Security over time represent a different picture. Direct examples of such societal advantages such as that
* retirement benefits for today's younger workers will, on average, have greater purchasing power that those of today's retirees.
* a critical element of stability into the retirement plans of young and middle-aged workers because even before benefits are first received, their value is kept up-to-date with rising wages and increases in a standard of living.
* disability and survivors protection alike have tangible worth to cover the workers and their families
Intergenerational transfers are not limited to government policies programmes and public policies that transfer income and in-kind services. They also include private such as family care giving, inheritances and societal transfers such as economic growth and technology. To consider only transfers resulting from public policies would be a major way to miss a major way that generations can assist each other.
Against this interdependent framework it is argued that the bond and solidarity between generations has dramatically weakened over the last several decades. however going through studies very little evidence exists of intergenerational conflict and that the selective preoccupations with generation equity tend to ignore the life cycle dimensions of relations between different generations (Sheppard, and Thursz, 1995). Moreover other studies shoe what today older persons remain well integrated within the social fabric of the family of the family, that a great amount of intergenerational interchange takes place (Kaiser and Chala, 1994).
Conclusion
I conclude that the focus of 'generational inequity' must be shifted to generational interdependence and supporters of the elderly should become 'loud and articulate advocates' for children, youth, and all generations. Certainly, a view of the old and young competing for fixed resources is misleading because it ignores the interdependence among generations and the burdens and benefits of international transfers at all stages of the life course (Soldo and Agree, 1988).
Interest in Intergenerational programme toady should be more stressed also due to the fact that of the changes in the relationships among age groups. In the past, the family or the local community typically provided informal opportunities for contact across age groups, especially between the old and very young. But one of the consequences has been the rise of age of age grading and groupings such as in schools and social clubs. An interdependent society will seek to bring together young and old, and meet both the group's need for age integration (Haber and Short-DeGraff, 1990)
Any doctrine for our ageing society must be concerned about the quality of life for all ages, rather than simply one for older adults. I firmly believe that the road to an adequate ageing policy of the 21st Century must be built on an interdependence of generations. I am positive that interdependence promotes a decade of orientations, mutual affirmation, multiple friendships and shared enjoyments. While the preferences of those few who can and would like to sustain their autonomy and independence must be respected, the ideal of independence is simply to a viable goal for older persons and society in general. Interdependence, in contrast, permits self-determination without the rigorous requirements of rugged individualism.
In order to develop viable policy alternatives for the oldest old, it is important to move beyond the myth of rugged Western individualism and the dichotomous choice of independence versus dependence. Indeed neither older persons nor non-aged can longer afford the myth of dependence. We should definitely follow many non-western cultures values in emphasising holism, interdependence, and more importantly putting society's needs before individual needs (Barker, 1994)
I acknowledge that a realist perspective of old age does involve a loss of responsibilities in terms of social roles. As Riley (1988) has pointed out this is a major source of responsibility for such loss of roles tend to invite a view of older persons in terms of physical or biological characteristics alone. It also unfortunately underpins the popular view that very old age involves a return to the dependency of childhood. I also acknowledge that dependency is also an unavoidable feature of later life, involving complex dynamics of choice and constraint. However, this realist version of the life-course must not let us no concentrate how we can transform certain number of its aspects to the benefits of age.
The interdependence of generations approach recognises the importance of reciprocity among individuals and between generations. This approach incorporates a life course perspective, recognises the heterogeneity of age groups, evaluates the costs and benefits of special polices over time, and considers who pays for and benefits from social policies. The interdependence framework considers the long-term welfare of all age-groups, supports the family as institution, and recognises the significant of public and private investments in human resources that will define the future.(Kingson and Hirshorn, 1986)
These observations must not lead to the conclusion that such interdependent transfers and analysis are flawless and should be implemented without critical analyses and ever be changed. On the contrary, because of the basic function they serve and because demographic and economic changes are fluid and ongoing processes, policies should be review carefully and options be vigorously debated. Of critical importance is that those policy persons considering changes understands both who benefits from these policies and the common stake that prevails in these intergenerational transfers. What is central in interdependent social policies if the fact that they assume the intedepedence of generations and emphasis the importance of thinking broadly about how policies directed at one age group affect all others, at any given point in time and over time as these groups age.
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