1.  INTRODUCTION

Demographic research reveals that as a result of declining fertility and mortality levels, all countries, indicate a growth in the proportion of people aged over 65 years, an increase in absolute numbers of older people, and improvement of life expectancy at birth (Kinsella and Tauber, 1993). This sudden burst in the ageing population, coupled with older persons' improved health status, ample leisure time, better standards of living, smaller family circles, heightening participation in political activities, a growth of self-awareness of older persons as a group, higher levels of education, and changing attitudes towards lifelong education have all contributed in making a previously unseen large number of older persons available for education classes.

Older adult education is reported to offering creative and emancipatory activities for older people who want more than bingo and condescension. However, one cannot fail to take notice of other emerging research that highlights a number of lacunae between practice in older adult education and the benefits that they are supposed to yield. It is therefore highly relevant to attempt to answer what should be considered as 'good practice' in older adult education. This question is extremely appropriate considering the various problems and lacunae present in both compulsory and adult educational programmes. In this respect, this article commences by giving a general overview of the various social factors responsible for the emergence of older adult education. Following this exposition, I will seek to illustrate the 'typical participant' in older adult education as well as the major barriers that are excluding the vast majority from participating. Finally, I will draw on both the literature and on my experience in older adult education to present an ideal picture of what should be considered in my opinion as good practice in older adult education.

2. THE EMERGENCE OF OLDER ADULT EDUCATION

The right to educational for all, irrespective of age, can be traced back to the Declaration of Human Rights, which was adopted by the United Nations as early as  1948. The direct relationship between the right to education and the irrelevance of age was then made even clearer in 1965, and even more implicitly and categorically defined in the Vienna International Plan of Action on Ageing. The crux of the recommendations stated that 'as a basic human right, education must be made available without discrimination against the elderly' and that 'educational practices should reflect the principle of the right to ageing, through the appropriate allocation of resources and insatiable educational programmes' (United Nations, 1983 : 43-44). Further calls for older people's rights to education can also be found in the UNESCO Conference on Adult Education in 1985 (Withnall and Percy, 1994), UN Principles for Older Persons in 1991 (Minichiello, 1992), as well as in the European Senior Citizens' Charter (Withnall and Percy, 1994).

Nevertheless, irrespective of the above declarations, older persons were for much of the subsequent years still left in the cold (Laslett, 1996). Policy-makers still found it very difficult to implement older adult education on a broad scale. Laslett (1984) hits the nail on its head when he comments that in the past it has never been emphasised that older persons have any specific educational needs at all, let alone rights! It is also evident that the juxtaposition of the concepts of education and ageing is unfamiliar and open to misunderstanding since the traditional and established education in the Western world is primarily oriented for the young.

Older adult education, as any other social issue, has evolved through a direct and symbiotic relationship with the environment. Researchers attribute the social emergence of the 'Third Age' as the most influential catalyst for the widespread emanation of older adult education (e.g. Laslett, 1996; Manheimer 1996; Midwinter, 1996). This idea of the third age is based on a traditional way of dividing life into quarters or four stages. The 'First Age', youth, is a time of dependency when education helps us for future work and family. With the 'Second Age' comes independence and responsibility for earning a living and supporting a family. The 'Third Age' is one of personal achievement and learning for self-development. Finally, the 'Fourth Age' is the period of frailty and decline. The Third Age has been defined as a 'period of personal fulfilment, following the second stage of independence, maturity, responsibility, earning, and saving, and preceding the fourth age of final dependence, decrepitude and death', is widely cited (Laslett 1996 : 4). In the same publication, Laslett (ibid.) gave a precise socio-economic meaning to the Third Age when he observed that until recently only a fortunate few, the wealthy and healthy, had a Third Age. For the rest, the Fourth Age came before they had a chance to enjoy the Third. More practically, the third age has been defined as 'that time of life when, having ceased any occupational activity, men and women enjoy total independence' (Radcliffe, 1985 : 68).

However, more specifically, the increase of older persons available for educational classes, and the founding of numerous agencies offering educational opportunities to older persons, have resulted from other specific social transformations. At the same time, all the these social issues catalysed the development of the 'Third Age'. For this  article I chose to highlight nine major social transformations that have, and are still prevailing, in most countries of the world.

First of all, we find a steady expansion of the 'ageing population'. Demographic research reveals that as a result of declining fertility and mortality levels, all countries indicate a growth in the proportion of people aged over 65 years, an increase in absolute numbers of older people, and improvement of life expectancy at birth (United Nations, 1991, 1996). The total number of those aged 65 or over, more than doubled from 144 million in 1950 to 325 million in 1990, and is projected to grow to a staggering 800 million by 2025. While the population growth in 2025 will be three times greater than that in 1950, the population aged 60 and over will be 6 times greater (Myers and Eggers, 1996).  Statistics from the United Nations indicate that in 1997, on average, 'one million people a month crossed the threshold of 60 years of age across the globe' (Brink, 1997 p. 15). In 1998 (see table 1), the Maltese population included 60,100 persons who were aged 60 years and over (16.7% of the total population), an increase of 27.4% over the 1985 census (Centre for Statistics, 1986, 1997a). Projections for the year 2020 indicate that this segment of population will increase sharply by 62.7% to reach 102,700, and then expanding slightly to 104,900 in 2040 (Centre for Statistics, 1997b).

Table 1 : Enumerated Maltese Population Aged 60 or Over 1985 - 2040

	(1)	(2)	(3)	(4)	(5)	(6)	(7)
Year	Population	60+	Change %	(2) / (1) %	75+	Change %	(5) / (2) %
1985 * 1998** 2020** 2040**	345,418 378,400 416,000 413,900	49,515 63,100 102,700 104,900	-- 27.4 62.7 2.2	14.3 16.7 24.7 25.3	13,237 18,100 28,900 39,100	36.7 58.6 35.2	26.7 28.7 28.1 37.3

Source : *  Centre for Statistics, 1987;
            **  Centre for Statistics, 1997b.

This demographic phenomenon was the most important contributory factor to the increase of numbers of older adults for participation in adult educational classes, as well as catalysing the establishment of educational institutions that seek to provide educational opportunities for older adults.

Secondly, we are witnessing an improved health status of the average older persons (Mamo, 1996; Matcha, 1997). Persons are reaching their old age in higher functional ages due to improved nutrition, enhanced occupational conditions and better medical facilities. When compared with their yesteryear peers, persons attaining their 60th birthday tend to experience a higher level of well-being and satisfaction of one's health, less physical discomfort, less minor and major disabilities, higher levels of mobility, and are less probable to be institutionalised, become bedridden, or die in their first fifteen years of old age  At present life expectancy of the Maltese citizens lies at 76 years for males and 81 for females.

Thirdly, older persons are experiencing an increase in the amount of leisure time at their disposal. This occurred as a result of compulsory retirement, increasing instances of early retirement, better functional and mental health of older persons, and increased chances of unemployment in the 40 plus segment of the population (Schuller and Young, 1991). Fourthly, today's older persons are experiencing a better standard of living when compared to past similar cohorts. Nowadays, retired persons have higher income than ever and have subsequently become target groups for all kinds of industries, including those being educational in nature. As a result they are motivated and free to participate more actively in their environment.

Fifth, from the perspective of the family, one finds more older persons in smaller circles. Owing to an increased rate of a small number of children and even childlessness, more older persons are increasingly affected by 'singularisation; and a life of their own. This motivates older people to seek social contacts outside the family circle with members of the same age and same interests for coping with life and for satisfaction (Victor, 1994, Matcha, 1997). It is therefore not surprising that more older persons are finding solace in educational organisations. Sixth, one finds what has been termed as the feminisation of later life, that is, the increasing number of women in later life and how the female proportion increases with advancing age (Arber and Ginn, 1995). Due to their longer life expectancy, the ageing process is much more pronounced among women than men, with women already comprising the majority of the older populations in virtually all nations (Gist and Velkoff, 1997). Although, this is debatable, some educationists believe that female older persons are more receptive to joining and attending older adult education classes. The main reason for this could be precisely because more female outlive men. However, it could also be that women may be more ready to seek the social solace of older adult organisations, or that such organisations' activities may be more appealing to the female cohort.

Seven, since previous participation in older adult education is the primary predictor of enrolment in older adult educational classes, the improving educational levels of older persons has surely contributed to the increase in participation rates. Similar to other international educational statistics, the latest Census (Centre of Statistics, 1998) indicates a low standard of education amongst older persons when compared to younger age cohorts. In 1995, 26% of persons over 60 years of age were illiterate. This figure comprises an alarming 42.8% of the total illiterate population. In Gozo there is an immense deviation of illiteracy with age. Up until the age of 60, the illiteracy rate in Gozo is no more than around 5% (Cauchi, 1998 p. 53). And about half that for women below the age of 40 (ibid., p. 54). Nevertheless, after the age of 60, the incidence of illiteracy rises sharply to reach over 50% by the age of 85 years (ibid.).

However, as a direct result of the implementation of a number of educational policies earlier this century, each incoming Maltese generation boasts of a better educational record than the one preceding it. Of direct relevance to the scope of our study, these include the (i) founding of schools on a large scale and the first compulsory attendance for registered students in the 1902s, (ii) the opening of the Mater Admirabilis College for Higher education in 1945, and finally (iii) the Compulsory Education Ordinance in 1946 (Zammit Mangion, 1992).  These developments were all instrumental in decreasing the level of illiteracy, as well as increasing the levels of educational attainment and qualifications of the current and future older persons (Centre of Statistics, 1998).

And finally, the integration of older adults in the framework of lifelong education (Glendenning, 1990). Although the concept of lifelong education has been with us from more than thirty years in has only been recently that education was connoted as extending beyond working life. This clarification has influenced various government and local agencies to invite older adults to participate in courses previously marketed solely to young and middle-aged persons.

As a direct result of the steep increase of older adults in adult education, adult educators were compelled to rethink the nature of older adult education (Manheimer, 1995 et al.). Emphasising that later life is a unique developmental stage with its own special tasks and opportunities, educators called for older adult educators to distinguish themselves from adult education in general (Moody, 1987, 1990; Laslett, 1996). Eventually, a consensus was reached whereby 'older adult education' was considered both as a subcategory of adult education as well as an expansion of a gerontological concern for late-life development (Manheimer, 1996). In addition, education theorists argued that the new-found period of relative leisure must invariably be met with opportunities for old people of all social classes to deepen their sense of culture and to participate in educational programmes (Manheimer, 1996). Laslett (1996 : 216) goes on to argue that lacking and deprived of educational engagement, the third age would turn out to be 'indolence indefinite limbo........the limbo which.........the Third Age should replace'. He also claims that these educational programmes must dissociate themselves from the traditional vocational and functionalist models of education, and restore education as a value in itself leading to both personal fulfilment and social critical awareness.

Along the years, practices in older adult education have received much positive feedback. Philibert (1984 : 52-55) applauds such agencies for aiding personal development by bringing older people out of isolation, provide opportunities, stimulation, patterns and content for the use and structure of the free-time that our society gives to (or inflicts upon) the elderly, and bring to the forefront the idea of lifelong education. Similarly, Pingsheng et al. (1996 : 33) report that older adult education contributes to social integration and to increasing the harmony in the relationship between older persons and their families. Swindell (1990a, 1990b) describes another such agency in Brisbane as functioning to maxi opportunities for the continued use of the enormous pool of skills and knowledge posed by older persons. Older adult education is also commended for mitigating against negative ageing stereotypes (Findeisen and  Krajnc, 1991), for constructing a group identity and positive self-image for its older members (Tyler, 1993 : 90), and for making the presence of older persons visible in society (Groombridge, 1995 : 32).

Other scholars have claimed that older adult education helps to give a chance to older persons to control their education and to abandon traditional models of education (Battersby, 1985), encourage an anti-authoritarian and liberatory approach (Glendenning, 1985), and treating 'subjects' as partners in the learning process (Philibert, 1984, 55-56), help older adults achieve an acute absence of consumerism and promoting their quality of life (Pingsheng et al., 1996 : 33), as well as helping older persons create a new community with their peers, and give them the opportunity to learn and share with each other in ways that help to reduce their loneliness (Picton and Lidgard, 1997).

Nevertheless, what superficially seems as a straight forward exercise, may contain in practice some conflict between realty and theory. While on one hand a older adult education may be meeting more than one of the above-mentioned claims, it may be failing in other important educational aspects. The major criticism put forward to older adult educational practices is that they are largely middle-class institutions that offer liberal arts-type subjects with most of the participants being white, female, having a professional background and wide experience of participation in education (e.g. Battersby, 1985; Philibert, 1984; Picton, 1988; Swindell, 1990a, 1990b; Schuller & Bostyn, 1992a, 1992b; Midwinter, 1996; Laslett, 1996). Research has also indicated that educational agencies providing older adult education tend to be elitist (Swindell & Thompson, 1995), neglect the housebound elderly  (Swindell & Mayhem, 1996), as well as being a 'snobbish hobby' (Marchi, 1989, quoted in Dal Ferro, 1997).

3. PARTICIPATION AND BARRIERS IN OLDER ADULT EDUCATION

To-date there has been no uniform and comparative analysis of participation rates of older persons in education (Schuller and Bostyn, 1992a). Although available studies reveal that in absolute numbers older persons are the most under-represented category in educational programmes, they also expose a definite rise both in activity and in demand. A significant number of studies show an attendance of only about between 1 and 6 per cent in samples of older persons above the age of sixty-five (Schuller and Bostyn, 1996). A closer analysis of the field suggests that there are significant differences in the participation rates in classes and courses of different sub-groups of older adults (Percy, 1990). Researchers have found that the primary predictor of participation in older adult education is prior participation - with older persons' possessing higher educational qualifications are many times more likely to participate in education that those with no education (Manheimer, et al., 1995).

Typical elderly participants also tend to be in the 60-70 age cohort (Eurolink Age, 1995), white (Dadzie, 1993) and female (Eurolink Age, 1995). Participants also tend to be middle-class who are financially secure, have already benefited more than average nations from the educational system, previously employed in a professional occupation (Eurolink Age, 1995), and inclined to a certain language style pertinent or educational environment (Withnall, 1994). Learners also tend to choose to learn humanities subjects or languages rather than scientific or technological (Eurolink Age, 1995). Moreover, whilst male learners tend to be married, women are more inclined to be widowers (Eurolink Age, 1995).

In addition to participation rates, one also finds research pertaining as to whether older persons are more interested to participate in education courses for third agers only, or whether they should be encouraged to join in 'normal age' classes. The Senior Studies Institute at the University of Strathclyde in Scotland with its segregated provision for over 2000 older students is truly an achievement of merit. The same must be said of Germany's Old/Young Project where old and young persons follow same courses (Tyler, 1993). However, Van der Reen (1990) concludes that more attention to inter-age educational experiences for older persons should be given. This is because U3As are too small and hence cannot provide differentiated and specialised course programmes, tend to promote 'straightforward ageism' as a direct result of the segregation of their older students. Likewise, as U3As tend to move from a 'classic academic curriculum' to a more 'open curriculum', both the quality of the educational experience and also the quality of the course itself may decline. On the other hand Withnall et al. (1989) suggests that in the case of subject areas referring to role needs in later life, subjects that require special teaching methods, and the teaching of older persons in isolated units such as geriatric hospitals and institutions age-segregated classes are preferred.

In addressing barriers to participation in older adult education, one common threefold typology of barriers consists of 'attitudinal', 'situational' and 'institutional' (Schuller and Bostyn, 1992a; 1992b). Attitudinal barriers consist of the older adult's feelings about, and attitudes to the idea of adult education (ibid.). Research (e.g. Picton, 1985; Schuller and Bostyn, 1992a, 1992b; Cavanah and Williams, 1994) has indicated that attitudinal barriers amongst older persons include believing not being able to learn, embarrassment, lack of education when younger, lack of interest, wanting to rest, or avoiding new commitments after a lifetime of work, lack of motivation, lack of confidence in themselves, and fear of technological failure. The most deep-rooted attitudinal barrier may well be that of third agers towards their own ability, in believing the myth that 'you can't teach an old dog new tricks (sic)' (Schuller and Bostyn : 1992a : 60). At the same time this transforms in an emotional barrier - anxiety about going to the centre or resuming learning after so many years on intellectual inactivity. Writing, from the perspectives of older women, Bornat et al. (1993 : 237-238) state that the barriers preventing older women from gaining access to education include negative stereotypes of older women's abilities, feminisation of poverty, declining financial support, and a large percentage of older women being informal carers.

'Situational constraints' refer to personal constraints which are beyond the learner's control and are related to one's life situation at a particular time. This includes time scheduling, hearing, vision, fatigue and memory (Picton, 1988; Schuller and Bostyn, 1992a, 1992b). These may also include such aspects as fear of leaving home, language problems, financial costs (paying for education, books, or for transport) and lack of time (At first sight lack of time may not seem a problem at all to third agers. However many older persons have other commitments such as child care, elder care or pursuing other hobbies). Transport, health problems and adequate information and guidance in education are other potential situational barriers.

Institutional barriers are various organisational practices and procedures which discourage adults from participation in adult education. These can be divided into two major aspects (a) organisational and (b) pedagogical barriers (Schuller and Bostyn, 1992a). Research (Picton, 1988; Schuller and Bostyn, 1992a, 1992b) has indicated that organisational barriers may include (i) the physical environment - whether or not the class is easily accessible, and suited to third age people, (ii) the social environment ? the atmosphere created by staff and fellow students, (iii) flexibility of provision - such as time, months during years, length of session, and the responsiveness to student's needs, (iv) location - refers to concerns about accessibility and transport needed, (v) financial cost, (vi) lack of publicity about opportunity, and also (vii) lack of awareness of what is happening. On the other hand pedagogical barriers may include such aspects as (i) meaningfulness of subjects offered, (ii) socio-cultural barriers - such as different ethnic and linguistic backgrounds, (iii) teaching skills, and (iv) difficulties due to mixed abilities in a learning group.

4. GOOD PRACTICE IN OLDER ADULT EDUCATION

Nowadays, building on the knowledge base produced over the last two decades, it has become possible to be able to give some sort of meaning to the term 'good practice' in respect to older adult education (Withnall and Percy, 1994). In this section the term 'good practice' has been divided into nine different aspects, namely (i) information and guidance services, (ii) planning, (iii) the learning environment, (iv) intergenerational opportunities, (v) teaching and learning, (vi) curriculum, and finally (vii) participation and provision.

Information and Guidance Services

A quintessential element must include the availability of choice in learning opportunities for older people. Choice implies adequate knowledge of what is on offer, and thus the availability of information and suitable guidance. Local authorities and involved agencies must ensure that they provide information about educational opportunities in places where older persons generally frequent, such as churches, post offices, public and private pharmacies, post offices, health clinics, day centres, and residential homes/ institutions for older persons (Withnall and Percy, 1984)

Moreover, one must employ the resources of television, radio, newspapers, and community announcements as much as possible (Schuller and Bostyn, 1992a). A further consideration here is the needs of illiterate older persons or those with physical and sensory impairments. The more different types of the more is the probability that these types of older persons are reached. In enacting information services, there is need for clear policy statements, supplemented by the setting of targets.

Planning

Older people themselves, as the users of the services provided, should be involved in shaping and defining what is provided. In other words, older adult education must be performed by older persons for persons. Older adult education must not be organised and co-ordinated solely by professionals in the fields of education or gerontology. It is evident that amongst retirees there is a high volume of experience and expertise that enables them to formulate older adult educational programmes by themselves. Government and other local agencies must only assist as far as financial and logistic resources are involved. It is not the case of treating the older segment of the population as if they are less competent and proficient persons than their young and adult social peers. Moreover, it is very difficult for non-older persons to be aware of the exact needs and preferences of older persons, since the latter are the social result of generational experiences specific only to their milieu. Albeit professional academics and politicians may be in possession of specific research findings that may enable better practice in older adult education, it is essential that planning in older adult education must begin and end with the participation of older adults. If this is not in practise, one may end with an educational practice that goes against the direct wisshes and needs of older persons.

The Learning Environment

The creation of an accessible and appropriate environment in which learning can take place is an important aspect is an important aspect for older adults. It is of utmost significance that agencies offer a plurality of accessible, welcoming and comfortable venues. By the learning environment, I am not only referring to the physical environments, but one which also includes psychological and emotional considerations (Hiemstra, 1991, 1992). Thus a learning environment includes such aspects as adequate illumination and auditory amplification, aspects of furnishing and seating arrangement, and facilitators and administrators who help learners feel relaxed and at ease with each other. Moreover, considering that many older persons do not live in their homes, and are to a large extent restricted to public transport, timing of the educational activities is a crucial issue.

Agencies involved in the provision of older adult education must make sure that the class is easily accessible. Stairs must be avoided as much as possible, and if present, one must make sure that ramps or elevators are available for older persons with mobility difficulties or who may be even wheelchair bound. Agencies must also co-ordinate the flexibility of provision, such as time, months during years, and length of session, according to the older learners' dispositions Location of classes must be as central as possible and in a location that is easily accessible by public transport. Finally, financial costs must be kept at minimum especially when one considers that much of the current countries' economical and social structure was built on the older learners' state contributions.

Intergenerational Opportunities

Older persons should be able to participate in education on an equal basis with younger people, rather than deeming older persons are not a separate group within society. The establishment of agencies and organisations that provide educational opportunities for older adults, must not preclude society from deliberating as how older adults can join other educational agencies whose majority of learners are relatively younger. Moreover, it is ideal that any provision of Older Adult Education must incorporate schemes which (i) aim to foster good social relationships between older and younger people, (ii) involve older people as volunteers working with people in schools or youth groups, and (iii) which bring older and younger people together to explore what older people can remember of their own youth (Withnall and Percy, 1994).

Teaching and Learning

Learning in later life can take place in a variety of contexts. When enacting opportunities for older adult education one must not only think of formal classroom learning. Two other important formats of older adult education include individual learning and practice-oriented learning.

Formal classroom learning in older adult education is to consider a wide variety of purposes, settings, rationales and educational approaches. In this respect, the task of the facilitator is to seek those frameworks for learning in which all learners feel comfortable. It is also imperative that the learning situation takes into account the experiences and intentions of the older learners in order to create an atmosphere which can be enriched both by individual contributions and by the interactions of learners. It is important to understand that in order for good practice to be obtained in classroom style older adult education, learning must not take place in a form of monologue from teacher to students. Learning must stem from the interaction between group members, where individuals are supported and encouraged in the pursuit of learning. The interests and skills that each persons brings are all of equal importance and there should be an emphasis on democratic processes in deciding how the learning situation should be operated (Withnall and Percy, 1994).

Individual learning takes place when the goals of a learning activity are defined by the individual older persons and teaching/learning experience cease when the learner decides that the goals have been achieved. This idea of individual learning is very popular in Europe where hundreds of older learners choose to enrol in distance learning within the Open University, which is becoming more popular and widespread as more advanced communication technologies are developed. Distance learning opportunities must not be criticised for segregating the learners, but must be on the other hand applauded for giving the older learner an opportunity to interpret the learning materials and in bringing his or her both past and present experiences to the exercise. Advantages for the older learner include the security of choosing the location, time and duration of the learning activity as well as the subject and skill pursued. In individual learning the task of teacher/mentor is to understand what the older learner wishes to achieve, to devise appropriate strategies for the acquisition of these goals by building upon the learner's experience, and helping the learner to cope and overcome attitudes and beliefs that may prove obstructive to the learning process (Withnall and Percy, 1994).

Practice-oriented learning takes place in a group mode but where the goals of what is being discussed have particular practical relevance. An example is those situations where older learners' goals  are to develop skills which will help them take action in a particular problematic situation. Such perceived problematic situations may be of diverse nature and may range form retirement to physical disability. This type of education must help older people to develop their talents, learn to cope with changing roles and responsibilities, and help them to build on and value the experience which they bring to learning (Withnall and Percy, 1994).

Curriculum

A curriculum usually contains a statement of aims and of specific objectives; it indicates some selection and organisation of content, it either implies or manifests certain patterns of learning and teaching, and includes a programme of evaluation of the outcomes.

Aims and Objectives :

The aims and objectives of older adult education programmes must be as wide as the various interests of the older adult population. Older Adult Education should be informed by, and relevant to, older persons and their local needs. The curriculum must not neglect the different interests and needs of older persons. It is a fact that no generalisation can be made for older adults' educational preferences.

Subject Matter

Learning needs, for example, may be either instrumental or expressive, utilitarian or non-utilitarian, and field-dependent or field-independent. Depending on the learners' needs and preferences, agencies must provide correlating subject matter. Whilst instrumental activities are those directed toward the achievement of some future goals, expressive activities provide immediate gratification. In this respect the curriculum must therefore aim to incorporate such instrumental subjects such as 'Older Person's Rights', 'Italian', and 'Computer Literacy' to expressive ones such as 'History of Art', 'Malta in the Middle Ages' and 'English Literature'.

It is also a fact that most older adult classes focus on course in the humanities, social sciences and leisure time activities. Although it is true that older persons who show a preference in the learning these subjects are in the majority, one must not exclude other older persons whose preferences may be in the minority. Good practice in older adult education will only be achieved when courses in the natural science, mathematics, technology and logic are being offered.

At the same time, the curriculum must also perceive older persons as a class. All older persons are oppressed by ageist discriminations. Therefore the curriculum must employ subjects that seek to address and make older persons more aware of how their weak position of older people in society is ultimately a result of hegemoncal ideological manoeuvres that serve to absent older persons from power relationships and consequently exclude them from accessing various material and social resources (Scrutton, 1990; Biggs, 1994). In this respect older adult education must include subjects such as Societal Images of Old Age', 'The Myths of Old Age', 'Retirement: Reward or Discrimination?' and 'Double Jeopardy in Old Age: The Case of Older Women'.

Pedagogy

Another central issue in older adult education regards its pedagogy. Pedagogy refers to the 'art and science of teaching'. Agreeing with Paulo Freire (1985) that 'education is politics', and that education works either in the interest or against the status qou, it is important that older adult education serves to emancipate the learners. Older adult education cannot cease when personal fulfilment of older persons is achieved, but must aim to bring forth social change. According to Paulo Freire's pedagogy for liberation, the objective for the older learners is an understanding of how social structures have influenced their way of thinking. Its aim must be the development of auto-identification that leads people to recognise their own power and their own world (Freire, 1970, 1972). Older adult education must result in 'conscientisation', that is, a combination of action and reflection under conditions of freedom and autonomy of learning.

Similar to the people Freire worked with in Latin America, today's older persons are also immersed in the structural, emotional, and cognitive factors behind a 'culture of silence'. Old persons are totally dependent on the state and younger persons specialist opinions about the need for retirement and pension policies. The old persons' views are ignored. This can be viewed in social spheres such as in working relations and welfare services.

In this respect the chosen pedagogy must be 'liberatory', one which aids older learners reflect on their own situation, and at the same time capable of taking action to transform it. Older adult education must go beyond mere 'verbalism', but must involve in transformative action towards discriminative social realities. This involves the educators immersing themselves in the older learners' worlds and seek out strategies in order to enable the latter to reflect and act upon the world towards the achievement of a more equitable society.

Evaluation

It would definitely be a step forward in good practice in older adult education if involved agencies would examine the effectiveness of what they offer using a range of methods. Yet, evaluations must not be undertaken by teachers/facilitators by themselves. In the education of older adult education, the students should be full participants in the process.

Participation and Provision

Older Adult Education must aim at improving access to continuing education al all levels. As already highlighted, participants in older adult education tend to be of a certain 'distinctive nature'. Agencies working in older adult education must develop strategies that are successful in recruiting those type of older persons who are normally under represented in older adult educational classes. One strategy that can be employed is through 'outreach practices'. Outreach Education refers to work initiated and developed by professionals which aims to facilitate learning opportunities outside formal setting with adults who could or would not usually participate in traditional formally organised provision.

Therefore in older  adult education outreach has two monumental objectives. First, to provide educational opportunities to older adults who are male, possess low educational attainment and qualifications, are in the 70 plus cohort, live in rural areas, come from working-class backgrounds, and who were previously employed in non-professional occupations.

And secondly, to provide educational opportunities to older adults who are confined in some way, either in their own homes, or within a residential home, or within a residential home, day care centre or long stay geriatric ward. In other words older persons who are physically prevented from joining any kind of outside activity usually as a result of illness and infirmity. It is also important that most courses and programmes must be advertised. Here two issues need to be considered : (i) to advertise successfully is a professional undertaking, but to (ii) advertise too successfully may be contrary to the high ideals of education itself.

OLDER ADULT EDUCATION :
CONCEPTS OF GOOD PRACTICE

Demographic research reveals that as a result of declining fertility and mortality levels, all countries ? including the Maltese islands, indicate a growth in the proportion of people aged over 65 years, an increase in absolute numbers of older people, and improvement of life expectancy at birth.

This sudden burst in the ageing population, coupled with older persons' improved health status, ample leisure time, better standards of living, smaller family circles, heightening participation in political activities, a growth of self-awareness of older persons as a group, higher levels of education, and changing attitudes towards lifelong education have all contributed in making a previously unseen large number of older persons available for education classes.

Older adult education is reported to offering creative and emancipatory activities for older people who want more than bingo and condescension. However, one cannot fail to take notice of other emerging research that highlights a number of lacunae between practice in older adult education and the benefits that they are supposed to yield. It is therefore highly relevant to attempt to answer what should be considered as 'good practice' in older adult education. This question is extremely appropriate considering the various problems and lacunae present in both compulsory and adult educational programmes.

This paper commences by giving a general overview of older adult education. Following this exposition, I will seek to address and discuss various organisational strategies that older adult education ought to incorporate so as to propagate a critical and emancipatory education, and distance itself from being yet another example of mainstream traditional schooling.

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