https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/145284 2026-06-12T21:56:12Z 2026-06-12T21:56:12Z https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/147103 2026-06-03T12:57:53Z 2026-01-01T00:00:00Z

Title: Digital transformation in the EU and the recovery and resilience fund : a comparative analysis of Italy and Portugal Abstract: This dissertation examines digital skills development in the European Union (EU), incorporating a comparative analysis of Portugal and Italy with a focus on digital skills development and the contribution of the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF). The EU’s digital transformation agenda aims to improve member countries’ competitiveness, connectivity, and inclusion by strenghtening digital infrastructure, government operations, innovation, data safeguarding, and most importantly, digital skills and education. The RRF complements this objective by allocating a significant amount of financing towards digital transformations and investments. The primary objective of this study is to assess the performance of Portugal and Italy in the digital sphere, focusing on identifying gaps in digital skills and assessing how RRF-funded initiatives handle these obstacles. The dissertation is motivated by two research questions, namely: 1) How do Italy and Portugal compare in their digital transformation, with a focus on digital skills? and 2) What digital transformation policies have these countries adopted, and how is the Recovery and Resilience Fund assisting in particular with regard to digital skills? A comparative case study methodology is applied in this dissertation, which incorporates both quantitative and qualitative approaches. Quantitative data, mainly from the Digital Economy and Society Index (DESI), offers a measurable assessment of digital performance and skills levels in both nations. This makes it easier to assess existing strengths and weaknesses in comparison to EU average levels. Qualitative analysis examines policies, national digital strategies, and RRF investment strategies to better comprehend government objectives, implementation tactics, and structural approaches to enhancing digital skills. The findings in this study show that while both countries confront persistent issues in digital skills, Portugal performs better in terms of digital literacy and public involvement in digital training programmes. Italy’s digital skills landscape exhibits wider regional disparities. RRF financing in both nations aims to enhance digital capabilities, but policy goals differ; Portugal prioritises nationwide digital education and inclusive training programmes, whereas Italy focuses on modernising employment abilities and tackling territorial disparities. Overall, the study emphasises the understanding of EU digital governance by examining how specific EU financial support could contribute to decreasing digital skills disparities and promoting digital inclusion. The comparative approach highlights not just the progress made but also areas where both nations’ policies must be strengthened to accomplish EU digital objectives and guarantee that consumers and enterprises are prepared for an increasingly digital future. Description: M.A.(Melit.)

2026-01-01T00:00:00Z https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/145393 2026-04-08T06:35:05Z 2026-01-01T00:00:00Z

Title: The Maltese media coverage of the 2022 national and 2024 European Parliament elections Abstract: This thesis examines how Maltese media framed the 2022 national election and the 2024 European Parliament election, with a particular focus on the portrayal of the European Union and whether the EP elections in Malta reflect second-order election dynamics. Despite Malta’s highly mediatised and politically parallel media environment, scholarly attention to the comparative framing of national and European elections remains limited. This study addresses this gap by analysing 61 news articles published during the three months before each election across three outlets representing distinct editorial orientations: One News (Labour Party), Net News (Nationalist Party) and Times of Malta (independent). Using qualitative content analysis guided by framing theory, the study identifies key patterns in value, conflict, issue, narrative, personalisation and emphasis framing. The findings reveal significant differences in how the two election types were represented. Partisan outlets domesticated both elections, but with different emphases: One News framed the EU as a cooperative partner validating Labour’s achievements, while Net News portrayed the EU as a moral authority through which the Nationalist Party could “restore” Malta’s reputation. By contrast, Times of Malta adopted a balanced, issue-oriented approach, offering factual and contextualised reporting with limited emotional or partisan framing. Across outlets, the 2024 EP elections were consistently framed as less consequential, receiving reduced interpretative depth and lower issue salience than the 2022 national election. Overall, the study provides new empirical insight into Maltese political communication, revealing how media framing reinforces national priorities while shaping public perceptions of the EU. Description: M.A.(Melit.)

2026-01-01T00:00:00Z https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/145337 2026-04-06T10:09:26Z 2026-01-01T00:00:00Z

Title: The recognition of the Armenian genocide by the EU institutions and its member states Abstract: “The axe forgets, but the tree remembers.” This proverb captures the enduring legacy of the Armenian Genocide, whose trauma continues to reverberate through generations. While the perpetrators have persistently denied the events as genocide, Armenians have carried the memory of their suffering as a central part of their collective identity. This enduring remembrance underscores the moral imperative of recognition: without acknowledgement, justice remains incomplete and historical wounds cannot fully heal. The Armenian experience demonstrates how memory resists erasure and calls on the international community to confront historical truth with integrity and responsibility. This dissertation examines how the topic of the Armenian Genocide is approached by the European Union (EU), analysing the recognition efforts or lack thereof of EU institutions and Member States (MS). Although historians widely agree that the mass killings and deportations of Armenians by the Young Turk government constitute genocide, political recognition remains contested, particularly within the EU’s institutional framework. The European Parliament (EP) has consistently and explicitly recognised the events as genocide since 1987, reaffirming this stance on multiple occasions, most notably in its 2015 centenary resolution. In contrast, the European Commission and the Council of the EU have adopted more cautious approaches, avoiding the term “genocide” and prioritising diplomatic relations and the EU’s complex partnership with Türkiye. Through document-based analysis of resolutions, debates, national parliamentary records and other primary data, this dissertation addresses two central research questions: whether the EP’s recognitions influence the positions of other EU institutions and MS, and whether MS shape the EU’s overall agenda on genocide recognition. The findings reveal a clear institutional divergence, and by applying a Multi-Level Governance (MLG) lens, the differences across the various levels of government became particularly noticeable. The EP acts as the EU’s normative and symbolic actor, invoking human rights and historical justice, while the Commission and Council operate as diplomatic actors constrained by realpolitik and strategic interests. MS similarly display diverse approaches, shaped by domestic politics, diaspora influence, memory politics, and foreign policy priorities. Overall, this research demonstrates that the EP’s influence on executive institutions is limited, largely because its resolutions are non-binding and because of the sensitivities of EU–Türkiye relations. The dissertation demonstrates that debates surrounding Armenian Genocide recognition illustrate the enduring tension between normative commitments and strategic interests in EU external action, while highlighting how historical memory is negotiated within a multi-layered governance system. Description: M.A.(Melit.)

2026-01-01T00:00:00Z https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/145336 2026-04-06T10:07:31Z 2026-01-01T00:00:00Z

Title: Georgia's path toward EU integration Abstract: This dissertation analyses Georgia’s path toward integration with the European Union, with a focus on what the determinants of this relationship are and how these may act as enablers or obstacles towards a further integration. Since its independence in 1991, Georgia has perused closer ties with the Union during its post-Soviet transition, unresolved conflicts with Russia and shifting regional geopolitics. Now, the European Union has positioned itself as Georgia’s leading trading partner and key financial supporter, yet integration has advanced unevenly amid structural vulnerabilities and democratic backsliding in the nation. Hence, this dissertation aims to analyse what is helping Georgia get closer to the EU and what is stopping deeper integration. The introduction outlines the research background, aims, and central question, establishing the significance of Georgia’s European aspirations. Then the literature review looks at relevant literature on Europeanisation, EU conditionality, and post-Soviet integration, positioning Georgia within these broader debates. The methodological framework is outlined in the third chapter, explaining the case study design and mixed-methods approach used to analyse both qualitative and quantitative data. The fourth chapter presents the core findings, examining the economic, political, and societal determinants that act as drivers or obstacles to Georgia’s EU integration. Finally, the conclusion finds that the EU has successfully anchored Georgia within its economic and institutional framework through several enablers including economic and public support. Yet, the country’s full integration remains constrained by structural weaknesses, political polarisation, and inconsistent democratic reform which act as the main obstacles, highlighting that the EU’s integration policy has its limitations. Description: M.A.(Melit.)

2026-01-01T00:00:00Z