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  <title>OAR@UM Collection:</title>
  <link rel="alternate" href="https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/38440" />
  <subtitle />
  <id>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/38440</id>
  <updated>2026-04-08T03:29:17Z</updated>
  <dc:date>2026-04-08T03:29:17Z</dc:date>
  <entry>
    <title>Carmelia, fille de Francisco Cassar : femme d’affaires Franco-Maltaise citoyenne Europeenne de Monastir [II]</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/18063" />
    <author>
      <name>Regaya, Mourad</name>
    </author>
    <id>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/18063</id>
    <updated>2017-05-30T14:32:09Z</updated>
    <published>2014-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Carmelia, fille de Francisco Cassar : femme d’affaires Franco-Maltaise citoyenne Europeenne de Monastir [II]
Authors: Regaya, Mourad
Abstract: This study introduces a business woman named Carmélia Cassar, an Anglo-Maltese subject who became a European citizen after her marriage to the French vice-consul in Monastir – Napoléon Souzouni – at the end of the nineteenth century. Carmelia came to be involved in the economic dynamics of the sea-port town and of eight other entities of Monastir. To do this she employed credits issued in specie and retrieved in kind – more precisely in olive oil –, and with "out of season" anticipation through an original speculative mechanism known as "Slam". Carmelia Cassar did not deal directly with notaries and debtors but she was represented by an army agent from Bembla commissioned for the issuing of notarial consignment and mainly for the collection (or ‘recovery’) of debts. This research paper may be considered as an original case study illustrating the abilities of migrant business women – settled in the sea-port town of Monastir – to become part of, integrate, and get involved in the economic and social activities of their host society.</summary>
    <dc:date>2014-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>How did Sir David Bruce forget Zammit and his goats?</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/18062" />
    <author>
      <name>Wyatt, H. Vivian</name>
    </author>
    <id>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/18062</id>
    <updated>2017-07-27T09:20:37Z</updated>
    <published>2014-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: How did Sir David Bruce forget Zammit and his goats?
Authors: Wyatt, H. Vivian
Abstract: I have no competing interests – only an interest in Sir Themistocles Zammit, scientist, doctor, professor of Chemistry, vice chancellor of Malta University, archaeologist, founder of the Malta Museum of Archaeology, member of the Governors’ Council, writer of childrens’ stories in Maltese.&#xD;
Zammit’s experiments showed that Brucellosis was transmitted by goats’ milk yet there is a RAMC tradition that this was the work of Sir David Bruce. Bruce himself ascribed it to the work of the Mediterranean Fever Commision without mentioning Zammit. Bruce’s obituary in The Times continued this tradition and is the source of other biographies. Other writers from outside the RAMC rightly credit Zammit. Did Bruce forget Zammit or did he magnify the work of the RAMC and his own work?</summary>
    <dc:date>2014-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Decolonizing development : a historical reading of a colonial present?</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/18061" />
    <author>
      <name>Cauchi, Bernard</name>
    </author>
    <id>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/18061</id>
    <updated>2018-04-25T10:58:22Z</updated>
    <published>2014-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Decolonizing development : a historical reading of a colonial present?
Authors: Cauchi, Bernard
Abstract: In this essay, I shall be indirectly reflecting on the labours of the present Labour Party in government by looking at another historical moment with which to compare and contrast. Mine will be a look out for the ‘benefits of hindsight’, or an ‘archaeological rewind’ to the 1970s in which the 'same' political party came to power</summary>
    <dc:date>2014-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Malta’s post-Independence policy-making : an international political economy perspective</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/18054" />
    <author>
      <name>Alshinawi, Arsalan</name>
    </author>
    <id>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/18054</id>
    <updated>2017-05-30T14:32:55Z</updated>
    <published>2014-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Malta’s post-Independence policy-making : an international political economy perspective
Authors: Alshinawi, Arsalan
Abstract: Following formal independence in 1964, and substituting the earlier disputes of the ‘language Question’ between the ‘pro-Italian’ and ‘pro-English political camps – that were also divided on constitutional matters and on the ties which were to be taken with Britain – came the position of the Maltese government on economic development, external trade and foreign relations which formed the major issue of contention. With the ‘Small Islands’ or ‘Micro-States’ paradigm in mind, strategies of socio-economic development have been assessed by authors employing conventional economic models in terms of internal factors specific to this ‘particular’ kind of geography. Research has focused on the relationship with, and the impact of, the changes in the local demographic, social and political environment. Economists have sought to conceptualize and measure local economic resilience – for example – solely in terms of ‘appropriate policy interventions:’ referring to ‘inherent vulnerability’ of small states while discussing ‘resilience’ and ‘resilience building’ as a ‘result of some deliberate policy.’&#xD;
There is a dearth of research that provides adequate attention –in both descriptive and normative senses – to the bearing of the ‘structure’ on the ‘internal economic sovereignty,’ defined in International Political Economy [IPE] terms as the ‘room or space to manoeuvre in interactions with large international actors,’ or the interaction between the ‘unit’ or ‘nation-state’ level-of-analysis, and the systemic or ‘international’ level-of-analysis – a cornerstone in International Relations [IR] and various IPE theories. Thus, what appears as ‘under-development’ is actually the ‘agent-structure’ problem, viewed from a holistic approach, understood as part of a complex system (rather than the sum of its parts), in a standard IPE approach – which constitutes the central problematic in this paper.&#xD;
This paper does not claim to capture all the important readings available in IPE on economic autonomy, economic independence or state capacity to pursue goals that are ‘not simply reflective of the demands or interests of the overlying external factors.’ IPE draws on several distinct schools of thought that include history, political science, economics, sociology and cultural studies, with acceptable epistemologies but flexible boundaries that are debatable.8 It shall limit itself to shedding in some meaningful way more light on the rationale in IPE for the configuration of some of the key economic and foreign policies of the Maltese governments, by means of two interpretative case studies. It relies on information from relevant literature, available primary documents, diplomatic communiqués, and semi-structured interviews with the elite conducted by the author in Valletta.</summary>
    <dc:date>2014-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
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