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    <title>OAR@UM Collection:</title>
    <link>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/120076</link>
    <description />
    <pubDate>Tue, 14 Jul 2026 10:41:13 GMT</pubDate>
    <dc:date>2026-07-14T10:41:13Z</dc:date>
    <item>
      <title>Russian aggression against Ukraine and world football : an analysis of the impact of the war in Ukraine on Russia’s foreign policy strategies regarding world football</title>
      <link>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/121566</link>
      <description>Title: Russian aggression against Ukraine and world football : an analysis of the impact of the war in Ukraine on Russia’s foreign policy strategies regarding world football
Abstract: This thesis delves into the interplay between Russia's foreign policy strategies, namely soft &#xD;
power and public diplomacy, and world football. It aims to unravel the links between Russia's &#xD;
foreign policy since the Soviet Union's dissolution and its engagement in world football. The &#xD;
central hypothesis posits that Russia's strategies relying on football encountered significant &#xD;
disruptions following its aggressive actions against Ukraine. Drawing on Joseph Nye's concept &#xD;
of soft power and Edmund Gullion's public diplomacy, the research traces Russia's ascendancy &#xD;
as a wielder of soft power globally, particularly before the escalation of the Ukrainian conflict. &#xD;
However, Russia's credibility and trust, crucial for soft power, eroded as military interventions &#xD;
in its neighbouring countries unfolded. Analyzing football's role in Russia's strategy, the study &#xD;
elucidates how the sport provided a platform for political engagement, economic ties, and &#xD;
diplomatic relations, contributing to Russia's soft power. Yet, the invasion of Ukraine disrupted &#xD;
this alignment, given that Russian soft power is an extension of the Russian State, and will be &#xD;
surpassed by hard power strategies. This led to irremediable repercussions to Russian football &#xD;
diplomacy, such as club selloffs, contract cancellations, and suspension of Russian teams by &#xD;
FIFA and UEFA. Employing qualitative analysis, the research examines texts, speeches, &#xD;
official documents, press releases, and scholarly works, to shed a light on Russia's sports &#xD;
diplomacy endeavours and foreign policy strategies. This research holds significance in &#xD;
bridging the gap between political science and sports studies, offering insights into the &#xD;
dynamics of how sports can both fuel and hinder foreign policy efforts. It aims at increase the&#xD;
understanding of the complexity of using sports as a diplomatic tool and reveals the need for &#xD;
integration between sports studies, political science, and international relations in academia.
Description: M.A. (Dip. St.)(Melit.)</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Jan 2023 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/121566</guid>
      <dc:date>2023-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>An analysis of Malta's geopolitical strategy 1964-1979</title>
      <link>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/121564</link>
      <description>Title: An analysis of Malta's geopolitical strategy 1964-1979
Abstract: This dissertation focuses on Malta’s experience in the years from 1964 to 1979. In 1964, Malta &#xD;
achieved its independence and now, from a British Colony, Malta had to make its first steps into the &#xD;
world as a newly independent state. In 1979 the British left the island.&#xD;
Until the 1950s, the economy of the Maltese islands relied heavily on British military expenditure. &#xD;
However, changes in the British defence policies meant that a massive rundown was imminent. &#xD;
Furthermore, Malta was to prepare itself to be an independent state. There was an urgent need for &#xD;
a plan to make the Maltese Islands economically viable. &#xD;
A number of Development Plans were set in motion. These Development Plans were dependent on &#xD;
the visions, ideologies, and policies of the different governments of the time. Though these differed, &#xD;
they all utilised a nascent Foreign Policy to exploit Malta’s unique geographical position and &#xD;
advanced a strategy aimed at developing Maltese industry.&#xD;
This was a turbulent time as the world was going through the Cold War, thus a geopolitical approach&#xD;
was essential if Malta was to be successful as an independent state. This dissertation explores how &#xD;
this strategy was employed to attract the attention of other players at the time and gain investment, &#xD;
aid and grants, and develop its industry in time before 1979. This was the year when the last of the &#xD;
British Forces left the Maltese islands and Malta had to achieve financial independence.&#xD;
What were the strategies used by the different governments for Malta in its quest for financial &#xD;
viability and not be any longer dependent on external powers? Did it manage to build its industry in &#xD;
time to offer its population enough workplaces and a good standard of living? Was it successful in &#xD;
emerging from a colony to an independent state?
Description: M.A. (Dip. St.)(Melit.)</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Jan 2023 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/121564</guid>
      <dc:date>2023-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Towards a liberal Leviathan : strategizing the European Union’s energy diplomacy in the Eastern Mediterranean</title>
      <link>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/121560</link>
      <description>Title: Towards a liberal Leviathan : strategizing the European Union’s energy diplomacy in the Eastern Mediterranean
Abstract: Facing an energy security crisis prompted by the 2022 Russia-Ukraine conflict, in June &#xD;
2022 the EU, Egypt, and Israel signed a Memorandum of Understanding on cooperation &#xD;
related to trade, transport, and export of natural gas to the EU. The research uses critical &#xD;
theory from the Copenhagen school to evaluate the most prominent influences on the EU’s&#xD;
energy diplomacy strategy in the Eastern Mediterranean. A Hobbesian energy trap following &#xD;
Russia’s use of the ‘energy weapon’ is the most immediate and commonly cited external &#xD;
factor, especially in shifting the commodity focus from pipeline to LNG gas. But Moscow is &#xD;
far from being the deepest motivation for Europe’s changing energy diplomacy strategy.&#xD;
Benign at first glance, a closer examination of the MOU’s provisions and intentions found&#xD;
significant implications for the region’s emerging balance of power. Europe’s typical global &#xD;
energy governance approach is explicit in the strategy, notably in basing the energy network &#xD;
off the East Mediterranean Gas Forum. However, global energy governance is overlayed by &#xD;
realist geopolitical and geoeconomic approaches outside of the MOU – most often deployed &#xD;
by superpowers, which the EU is not. Thus, a contrast exists between geopolitical operations&#xD;
ensuring the EastMed energy network will not be developed by ‘unfriendly’ states, and &#xD;
neoliberal economic and institutional policies which perpetuate the Union’s asymmetric &#xD;
North-South relationships. Copenhagen school identifies the hybridity of neoliberal ‘means’&#xD;
and a neorealist ‘core’ as the ‘Liberal Leviathan’ – the American model of unipolar&#xD;
hegemony that emerged out of the Cold War, and under which the EU takes a subordinate &#xD;
role. Ultimately, the research finds that downward pressure on Brussels by the Liberal &#xD;
Leviathan is the most significant motivating factor in the EU’s EastMed energy diplomacy &#xD;
strategy.
Description: M.A. (Dip. St.)(Melit.)</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Jan 2023 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/121560</guid>
      <dc:date>2023-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The militia game : case of Libya</title>
      <link>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/121556</link>
      <description>Title: The militia game : case of Libya
Abstract: The Fall of Col. Muammar al-Qaddafi created hope and optimism for peace in Libya that &#xD;
was short-lived. The 2011 revolution had brought a cataclysm to the Libyan political &#xD;
arena. The ideals of a new democracy were overturned by a degrading security sector &#xD;
and a huge power vacuum. The revolutionary militias that toppled the Qaddafi regime &#xD;
were now the rulers themselves. Violent non-state actors saw the withering authority in &#xD;
Libya as a grand opportunity to empower and enrich themselves. The reputation of the &#xD;
security sector was damaged by the militias yet the people also depended on the militias &#xD;
for security against lawlessness. The integration of militias into state and civil &#xD;
institutions had blurred the lines between state and non-state actors. On the other hand, &#xD;
terrorist cells expanded into Libya, creating their own power bases and using Libya to &#xD;
catapult them to their objectives in the Middle East and Europe. The warring &#xD;
government factions depend on the militia’s for their coalitions and military campaigns &#xD;
while the militias continue to grow richer and more powerful. This thesis will uncover &#xD;
the blurry lines and I will seek to form a clearer picture of the influence of violent non-state actors in the Libyan Crisis.
Description: M.A. (Dip. St.)(Melit.)</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Jan 2023 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/121556</guid>
      <dc:date>2023-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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