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    <title>OAR@UM Collection:</title>
    <link>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/21908</link>
    <description />
    <pubDate>Fri, 10 Apr 2026 21:15:58 GMT</pubDate>
    <dc:date>2026-04-10T21:15:58Z</dc:date>
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      <title>“Joined up or messed up?” : an inquiry on whether the peacebuilding systems theory would have been applicable in the Afghan context between 2002 and 2014</title>
      <link>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/71338</link>
      <description>Title: “Joined up or messed up?” : an inquiry on whether the peacebuilding systems theory would have been applicable in the Afghan context between 2002 and 2014
Abstract: Humanitarian aid organisations and the military have shared the battlefield over and &#xD;
over again in situations ranging from open conflict to peacekeeping situations. &#xD;
Despite sharing the same geographical space the relationship between the military &#xD;
and aid agencies could only be defined as dysfunctional especially during complex &#xD;
emergency situations. Following the military interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq &#xD;
humanitarian-military relations were further strained due to the deployment of the &#xD;
Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) in these two countries – leading to, in the &#xD;
majority of cases, either an arms-length or a co-existential approach towards &#xD;
cooperation between the two ‘worlds’. This philosophy has led to an inefficient and &#xD;
possibly ineffective response during these two complex emergencies. &#xD;
This study assesses whether the implementation of the Peacebuilding Systems &#xD;
Theory (PST) in Afghanistan, during the period in question, would have ameliorated &#xD;
the interaction between the PRTs and the aid organisations within the frame work of &#xD;
civil-military cooperation. From a methodological point of view this study implements &#xD;
the PST to an event that occurred in the past and therefore it asks a ‘what would &#xD;
have happened’ research question with the aim of assessing the applicability of this &#xD;
theory to the Afghan context – thereby creating a counterfactual argument. &#xD;
A number of interviews were conducted with military leaders who deployed to &#xD;
Afghanistan as part of PRTs as well as with aid workers who had direct contact with &#xD;
these civil-military elements. Through the analysis of the primary data collected it was &#xD;
shown that only elements of the PST could have been applied to this context. After the                           &#xD;
analytical process, a number of recommendations were put forward with the aim &#xD;
of improving cooperation between these two diverse ‘worlds’ during future complex &#xD;
emergency situations.
Description: M.A.HUMANITARIAN ACTION</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Jan 2017 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/71338</guid>
      <dc:date>2017-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Foreign opinion influence on US foreign policy</title>
      <link>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/33001</link>
      <description>Title: Foreign opinion influence on US foreign policy
Abstract: This study examines the relationship that exists between foreign opinion and American foreign policy. The main aim of the American foreign policy is to enable it to influence others rather than to be influenced. However, this subject has not received much attention by American policy makers and academics. Nonetheless, the 9/11 events showed how negative opinion can harm American security and consequently its foreign policy. This study which looks in detail at three predominantly Muslim states - Turkey, Jordan and Pakistan – analyses how the opinion of both the influential foreign elite and the common public may lead to changes in the American foreign policy. Through the use of polls carried out regularly by Pew Research Centre to measure opinion, and a number of primary and secondary sources which will shed light on changes in American foreign policy, this study finds out that in the short run the elite’s opinion is the most influential factor in US policies. Moreover, foreign public opinion will be influential when controversial issues result in violent anti-Americanism. In such a case American subjects and interests would be at risk as American credibility will be lost. Furthermore this study will delve into how Americans have made use of soft power so as to make their country’s image, values and policies more attractive to foreign audiences, while generating support from leaders and the rest of people.
Description: B.A.(HONS)INT.REL.</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Jan 2017 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/33001</guid>
      <dc:date>2017-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The repercussions of the Iraq war from operation Iraqi freedom to the rise of ISIS</title>
      <link>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/32994</link>
      <description>Title: The repercussions of the Iraq war from operation Iraqi freedom to the rise of ISIS
Abstract: Mission accomplished was a premature declaration, issued by the Bush administration on 1st May 2003. However, this sense of accomplishment disappeared as soon as Iraq descended into chaos. A decade after the invasion, Iraq became a lightning rod for terrorists. As the accusations against Saddam Hussein were proved to be wrong, it was predicated that the U.S. would leave Iraq shortly after the invasion. The social division between the Sunni and the Shia facilitated ISIS to play a crucial role in Iraq’s civil war. After the death of Zarqawi, Abu Bakr al Baghdadi renovated the organisation and declared a caliphate in 2014.&#xD;
&#xD;
This dissertation investigates the repercussions of the Iraq war and the rise of ISIS. Through the use of realist and liberal theories this research aims to explain the reasons behind the invasion. In addition the analysis of the root causes of terrorism tries to explore the reason behind the rise of ISIS in combination with the policies applied in Iraq during U.S occupation. Since the occupation started in 2003 and ended in 2011, the administrations of Bush and Obama and their approaches towards Iraq will be analysed. This dissertation also gives a historical background of US- Iraq relations prior to the invasion in order to analyse the American perspective towards Iraq throughout the years.&#xD;
&#xD;
In addition the analysis of the research question is answered across the following chapters: the Iraq war and its aftermath and the Rise of ISIS. Both chapters present a researched based analysis on the consequences and the causes for the rise of ISIS in Iraq. The main objective of these chapters is to establish a link between the consequences and the establishment of ISIS, as a terrorist group that is threatening the international system.
Description: B.A.(HONS)INT.REL.</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Jan 2017 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/32994</guid>
      <dc:date>2017-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Is democratic confederalism being implemented in Rojava?</title>
      <link>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/32980</link>
      <description>Title: Is democratic confederalism being implemented in Rojava?
Abstract: This study focuses on democratic confederalism as a political concept and explores the extent of its in implementation in Rojava or what is now known as the Federal System of Northern Syria. The regions became autonomous in 2012, gradually other areas were liberated by the YPG-led forces and have subsequently become part of the federal system. This has been ongoing up to the time of writing. The study analyses the social contract of Rojava in relation to the ideology of Öcalan. The social contract, the first legal document of its kind was drafted by the peoples’ within the territory. The methodology used is discourse analysis to better understand and interpret the social contract in the light of Öcalan’s ideology. The dissertation will aslo evaluate whether or not there was a shift in ideology from Marxist-Leninist to Democratic Confederalism within the PYD an organisation inspired from the PKK. Is it really the implementation of democratic confederalism that we are looking at or is it a modern form of communist statelet? The main finding of this dissertation is that democratic confederalism is being applied conceptually when the discourse was analysed. However there is still plenty of room for further research to be carried out and understand better the situation since it is ongoing. 
Description: B.A.(HONS)INT.REL.</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Jan 2017 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/32980</guid>
      <dc:date>2017-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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