<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<rss xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" version="2.0">
  <channel>
    <title>OAR@UM Community:</title>
    <link>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/5430</link>
    <description />
    <pubDate>Mon, 07 Sep 2026 14:20:12 GMT</pubDate>
    <dc:date>2026-09-07T14:20:12Z</dc:date>
    <item>
      <title>The phonetics and phonology of nasal vowels in Polish and transferability into English</title>
      <link>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/148522</link>
      <description>Title: The phonetics and phonology of nasal vowels in Polish and transferability into English
Abstract: There appears to be a lack of consensus regarding the status of nasal vowels /ɔ̃ / and /ɛ̃ / in Polish &#xD;
as phonemes functioning as separate from /ɔ/ and /ɛ/. Some of the existing research treats them &#xD;
as complex segments made up of an oral vowel and a nasal stop and/or limits their occurrence in &#xD;
their nasal form to fricative preceding positions. This study investigates the status of these &#xD;
vowels by examining their realisations across different phonological contexts. It seeks in &#xD;
particular to assess whether nasalisation of vowels is affected by orthography and whether it is &#xD;
transferred into the L2 English of L1 Polish speakers. An auditory-acoustic analysis was carried &#xD;
out using speaking and reading task data which relied on semi-controlled and controlled stimuli. &#xD;
A detailed analysis of variants was carried out, with more such variants identified than &#xD;
previously described in the literature, although the phonological contexts in which they occurred &#xD;
was found to align with previous research on this topic. Orthography was in fact found to affect &#xD;
the pronunciation of these nasal vowels in Polish. Evidence of phonological transfer of &#xD;
nasalisation into English was also found although this study brought important insights into the &#xD;
topic, more research is needed.
Description: B.A. (Hons)(Melit.)</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 01 Jan 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/148522</guid>
      <dc:date>2026-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Maltese first language acquisition of morphosyntax : a focus on nominal inflection and agreement</title>
      <link>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/148051</link>
      <description>Title: Maltese first language acquisition of morphosyntax : a focus on nominal inflection and agreement
Abstract: This study traces the development of morphosyntax in typically developing, Maltese-dominant bilingual children aged 18–60 months, examining how mean length of utterance in morphemes (MLUm), parts-of-speech (POS) category distribution, and nominal morphosyntax evolve and interact over time. To this end, a corpus comprising over 30 hours of Maltese child language data was collected. Drawing on longitudinal naturalistic data complemented by targeted elicitation tasks, and supported by statistical modelling, the study provides a detailed account of language acquisition in a bilingual environment. The results show that MLUm increases steadily with age at a rate comparable to previous studies. A higher proportion of nouns in early productions gradually gives way to increased use of verbs and function words, with mixed-effects modelling confirming a significant shift over time and in relation to MLUm. Analyses of nominal inflection reveal that concatenative plural forms are acquired earlier and with greater accuracy than templatic forms. In nominal agreement, accuracy increases with age, although earlier stabilisation of gender relative to number is not statistically confirmed. Integrative analyses indicate that the stabilisation of nominal morphosyntax coincides with the transition to multiword syntax and the attenuation of this early noun dominance. Collectively, these findings depict the development of nominal systems as gradual and interdependent, contributing new empirical evidence to cross-linguistic theories of morphosyntactic learnability and bilingual acquisition.
Description: Ph.D.(Melit.)</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Jan 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/148051</guid>
      <dc:date>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Investigating the post-vocalic /r/ in Maltese English and its potential intra- and inter-speaker variation</title>
      <link>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/144842</link>
      <description>Title: Investigating the post-vocalic /r/ in Maltese English and its potential intra- and inter-speaker variation
Abstract: The postvocalic /r/ is a segment that is an object of much interest in several&#xD;
languages and dialects of English. This dissertation uses a set of eight speakers&#xD;
from the Corpus of Spoken Maltese English to find patterns in the realisation of the&#xD;
postvocalic /r/ that could indicate potential trends in the rhoticity of the dialect. While&#xD;
only 10.8% of the postvocalic /r/s measured across all speakers were realised as&#xD;
rhotic phonemes. All speakers had varying distributions of /r/ realisations,&#xD;
suggesting that rhoticity may be a continuum upon which Maltese English speakers&#xD;
may be found in multiple positions, indicating a somewhat large inter-speaker&#xD;
variation. This is reinforced by the fact that all speakers articulate postalveolar&#xD;
approximant /r/s, but only some articulate alveolar taps, which may indicate a&#xD;
broader pattern of /r/ loss across languages when compared to the previously&#xD;
common trill, which was articulated in the same contexts, thereby demonstrating&#xD;
inter-speaker variation. Intra-speaker variation is also present in the form of the&#xD;
frequency of /r/ articulation over time, as the first minute of each recording is&#xD;
decidedly less rhotic than the rest, which may suggest audience design is a factor.
Description: B.A. (Hons)(Melit.)</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Jan 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/144842</guid>
      <dc:date>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Signing with your hands full</title>
      <link>https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/138761</link>
      <description>Title: Signing with your hands full
Abstract: Weak drop, or the optional deletion of the weak hand in two-handed signs, is a natural &#xD;
phenomenon occurring in a number of signed languages (Paligot, et al., 2016). In everyday &#xD;
conversations, users of a signed language have both their dominant hand and their weak &#xD;
hand at their disposal. However, situations, such as holding a drink, allow the use of only &#xD;
one hand. In these cases, weak drop is not an option but a must. The present study focuses &#xD;
on forced weak drop using elicited narratives, and the adaptations observed when one of &#xD;
the hands is otherwise occupied. Each of the seven participants in this study was filmed &#xD;
narrating a story from a children’s picture book first using both hands and then using one &#xD;
hand whilst the other held a cup of water. The resulting fourteen renditions were analysed &#xD;
and compared to other studies in the lilterature. Results show that many of the adaptations &#xD;
observed in the Maltese Sign Language (LSM) are similar to those found in other studies &#xD;
and that these adaptations are related to the modality rather than the language. It also &#xD;
appears that iconicity may have an effect on the adaptation of two-handed LSM signs into &#xD;
one-handed variants especially when weak drop is otherwise inhibited.
Description: M.A.(Melit.)</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Jan 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/138761</guid>
      <dc:date>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
  </channel>
</rss>

