Getting to the root of the Maltese broken plural

Abstract

This study argues that the Maltese broken plural is derived from a tri- or quadriliteral root, as opposed to from an existing word from. Additionally, this study argues that the ‘pattern’ (that is, the proposed skeletal CV morph) is not a morph, but rather an epiphenomenon of the derivation. To support these arguments, the present study sketches a decompositional, late-insertionist derivation of the Maltese broken plural utilizing the frameworks of Distributed Morphology and Optimality Theory. It is argued that the [+plural] feature projects in two different nodes in the morphosyntax (in the n head and in the Num head), resulting in the derivation of either a sound plural or a broken plural. Vocalic melody allomorphs are specified to a set of root morphemes and compete with one another for insertion at Spell-Out. On the phonological branch of the derivation, Optimality Theory is able to capture the attested variation in prosodic structure of the broken plurals by positioning the vocalic melodies within the root morph, as per the constraints on syllabic well-formedness. Thus, it is the interaction between the constraints, vocalic melody, and root that give rise to prosodic variation, not a ‘pattern’ morph.