Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/144842
Title: Investigating the post-vocalic /r/ in Maltese English and its potential intra- and inter-speaker variation
Authors: Rashed, Alexandra Ali (2025)
Keywords: English language -- Malta
Sociolinguistics
English language -- Pronunciation
English language -- Variation
English language -- Dialects -- Malta
Speech -- Social aspects
Issue Date: 2025
Citation: Rashed, Alexandra Ali (2025). Investigating the post-vocalic /r/ in Maltese English and its potential intra- and inter-speaker variation (Bachelor’s dissertation).
Abstract: The postvocalic /r/ is a segment that is an object of much interest in several languages and dialects of English. This dissertation uses a set of eight speakers from the Corpus of Spoken Maltese English to find patterns in the realisation of the postvocalic /r/ that could indicate potential trends in the rhoticity of the dialect. While only 10.8% of the postvocalic /r/s measured across all speakers were realised as rhotic phonemes. All speakers had varying distributions of /r/ realisations, suggesting that rhoticity may be a continuum upon which Maltese English speakers may be found in multiple positions, indicating a somewhat large inter-speaker variation. This is reinforced by the fact that all speakers articulate postalveolar approximant /r/s, but only some articulate alveolar taps, which may indicate a broader pattern of /r/ loss across languages when compared to the previously common trill, which was articulated in the same contexts, thereby demonstrating inter-speaker variation. Intra-speaker variation is also present in the form of the frequency of /r/ articulation over time, as the first minute of each recording is decidedly less rhotic than the rest, which may suggest audience design is a factor.
Description: B.A. (Hons)(Melit.)
URI: https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/144842
Appears in Collections:Dissertations - FacArt - 2025
Dissertations - InsLin - 2025

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