Syria's global education initiative

Abstract

Three main factors have to be kept in mind when considering education in the Syrian Arab Republic, namely: a high population growth rate, which stood over 3% during 1981-1997; a young age structure, with close to 50% of the population being under the age of 15 in the year 2000; and an unequal distribution of population growth throughout the country, with the ruralurban migration still significant, though presently declining (see Gennaoui, 1995; UNICEF, 1996, 1998; INJEP, 2000). In the twenty years between 1970 and 1990, the number of students multiplied by 82 times (INJEP, 2000, p.126). These demographic factors obviously impact on the challenges that education has to face in meeting increasing and differentiated demands. Syria's eighth 5-Year National Development Plan (1996-2000) reflects a continued strong commitment to social development, with a stress on the development of education in all its forms, the eradication of illiteracy, the improvement of the quality and access to health and environmental education. Around 6.10% of the National budget is earmarked for primary education, and that represents 54.5% of the total Ministry of Education (MOE) budget. Primary schooling has been compulsory since 1981, and starts at the age of 6, lasts for 6 years, with enroIlment being close to 100% for boys, and over 98% for girls. There is a slight variation by settlement type, from 98.6% in urban areas to 91.6% in peri-urban areas, and by region from 99.6% in the Coastline region to 92.6% in the North region. Most schools are run by the state, with less than 3% being private, and 2% being managed by United Nations Relief and Works Association (UNRWA). The lower-secondary level (Grades 7-9) and the higher secondary level (Grades 10-12) are also free but not compulsory. A selective examination determines whether students proceed to a general or technical track after Grade 9, with the former being by far the most popular option. Enrollment falls off considerably as students move to the secondary cycle (children aged 12-14 years), with net enrollment being 71.6% nationally, but only 47% in peri-urban areas and 49.5% in the North region. Enrollment is slightly higher among boys at the primary level, and slightly higher among girls at the secondary level. The system is highly centralized with regards to conception and planning, though since the 1980' s there have been attempts to emphasize decentralization. Governorates have directorates of education which manage a number of roles including determining the location of schools, appointing teachers, distributing teaching materials, and organizing training programs. But it is still the MOE which defines policy, designs curricula and textbooks, implements major programs, allocates resources, and monitors practice through its inspectorate. Syria's primary education curriculum tends to be traditional and theoretical' , putting emphasis on factual data rather than on scientific concepts, attitudes, skills and values. Teaching methods tend to be 'didactic and verbal', and examinations are generally 'based on memorization and affirmative modes rather than ways of thinking, attitudes and skills' (Gennaoui, 1995, p. 963). These are key weaknesses in schooling systems in the Middle East and North African (MENA) region (see Golladay et al., 1995; Khattab, 1996; Heyneman, 1997; the Human Development Network, 1999), which are often marked by an over-concern with selection, channeling and credentialing, rather than with the induction of learners into a culture of co-operative, critical and creative thinking. Syrian students tend to perform least well in those higher-order cognitive skills which are most sought after in modern economies, namely flexibility, judgment and problem-solving in new and unanticipated circumstances. Those most skilled at passive knowledge absorption and reproduction tend to be most rewarded (Golladay et al., 1995).